Friday, Jun 05th, 2020 - 07:07:55


Salvador Muni

EndGame 2020: Salvador Muni & 3 Days of Prayer

"Endgame 2020" can be accomplished in three days of prayer and repentance. Three signatures by President Donald Trump are required in an international bipartisan coalition:

International: The UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW):

Federal: The 28th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution:

State & Local: H.R.2419: Nuclear Weapons Abolition & Economic/Energy Conversion Act of 2020:

This strategy includes international treaties for nuclear disarmament, inspection, and compliance at the United Nations. The current status of the TPNW is that all of the ASEAN nations except Singapore have agreed to it, as well as the majority of the Arab, African, and Latin American countries. The U.S., Russia, China, India, Israel, UK, France, Pakistan, & other NATO countries aka "nuclear superpowers" have all routinely ignored the TPNW at the UN. The 28th Amendment is already constitutional law in Japan, and has been successful in maintaining Japan on the course of peace in international affairs for over 70 years. The Gandhi-King view is that the State must be non-violent and exchange swords for plowshares. The peace movement in the US has been completely ineffective in preventing further illegal use of State violence since the terrorist bombings of Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam in the 1960s.

'The disciples came to Jesus and asked, “Why do you speak to the people in parables?”

Jesus replied, “Because the knowledge of the secrets of the Kingdom of Heaven has been given to you, but not to them. Whoever has will be given more, and will have in abundance. Whoever does not have, even what they have will be taken from them. This is why I speak to them in parables:

“Though seeing, they do not see;
though hearing, they do not hear or understand."

In them is fulfilled the prophecy of Isaiah:

“‘You will be ever hearing but never understanding;
you will be ever seeing but never perceiving.
For this people’s heart has become calloused;
they hardly hear with their ears,
and they have closed their eyes.
Otherwise they might see with their eyes,
hear with their ears,
understand with their hearts
and turn, and I would heal them."

But blessed are your eyes because they see, and your ears because they hear. For truly I tell you, many prophets and righteous people longed to see what you see but did not see it, and to hear what you hear but did not hear it."'

+ Matthew 13:10-18 - (NIV):

In the last 30 years, I have discovered that even presenting encyclopedia-sized evidence stacks on US war crimes, crimes against humanity, and State terrorism across the eras of colonialism, slavery, world wars, and apartheid does little to change any of the minds of the people in the process. There is a continual erasure described by Marcuse of the history of genocide in the conquest of a continent and the building of a 1000-base military empire that is "American Holocaust Denial." Proposition One has been working since the early 1990s on voter intitiatives and direct referendums on the issues of world peace and nuclear disarmament. Since 1994, Eleanor Holmes Norton has introduced the Prop1 Bill into Congress, this year co-sponsored by Ilhan Omar and registered as H.R.2419. Much of the "Green New Deal" rhetoric discussed in 'Endgame 2012' is now also mainstream after #Occupy. Three signatures and it is done.



'The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.'

+ Article Five: Procedures for Amending the U.S. Constitution:


"Salvador Muni is a painting by Italian Renaissance artist Leonardo da Vinci dated to 1492. Long thought to be a copy of a lost original veiled with overpainting, it was rediscovered, restored, and included in a major Leonardo exhibition at the National Gallery, London, in 2011–12. The painting depicts Jesus in Renaissance dress, making the sign of the cross with his right hand, while holding a transparent, non-refracting crystal orb in his left, signaling his role as Salvador Muni (Latin for 'Savior of the World') and representing the 'celestial sphere' of the heavens. Around 20 other variations of the work are known, by students and followers of Leonardo da Vinci. Salvador Muni is a subject in iconography depicting Christ with his right hand raised in blessing and his left hand holding an orb (frequently surmounted by a cross), known as a globus cruciger. The latter symbolizes the Enlightened Earth, and the whole composition has strong Buddhist undertones. The theme was made popular by Northern painters such as Jan van Eyck, Hans Memling, Andrea Previtali, and Albrecht Dürer.

+ Leonardo da Vinci - "Salvador Muni" (1492):

"I stand before you as a representative of the American People, to deliver a message of friendship and hope. That is why I chose to make my first foreign visit a trip to the heart of the Muslim world, to the nation that serves as custodian of the two holiest sites in the Islamic Faith. In my inaugural address to the American People, I pledged to strengthen America’s oldest friendships, and to build new partnerships in pursuit of peace. I also promised that America will not seek to impose our way of life on others, but to outstretch our hands in the spirit of cooperation and trust. Our vision is one of peace, security, and prosperity—in this region, and in the world. Our goal is a coalition of nations who share the aim of stamping out extremism and providing our children a hopeful future that does honor to God...

Every time a terrorist murders an innocent person, and falsely invokes the name of God, it should be an insult to every person of faith. Terrorists do not worship God, they worship death. If we do not act against this organized terror, then we know what will happen. Terrorism’s devastation of life will continue to spread. Peaceful societies will become engulfed by violence. And the futures of many generations will be sadly squandered. If we do not stand in uniform condemnation of this killing—then not only will we be judged by our people, not only will we be judged by history, but we will be judged by God. This is not a battle between different faiths, different sects, or different civilizations. This is a battle between barbaric criminals who seek to obliterate human life, and decent people of all religions who seek to protect it. This is a battle between Good and Evil.

When we see the scenes of destruction in the wake of terror, we see no signs that those murdered were Jewish or Christian, Shia or Sunni. When we look upon the streams of innocent blood soaked into the ancient ground, we cannot see the faith or sect or tribe of the victims—we see only that they were Children of God whose deaths are an insult to all that is holy. But we can only overcome this evil if the forces of good are united and strong—and if everyone in this room does their fair share and fulfills their part of the burden. Terrorism has spread across the world. But the path to peace begins right here, on this ancient soil, in this sacred land."


'In the late 1970s, Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman wrote a series of books on the United States' involvement with State Terrorism. Their writings coincided with reports by Amnesty International and other human rights organizations of a new global "epidemic" of State torture and murder. Chomsky and Herman argued that terror was concentrated in the U.S. sphere of influence in developing countries, and documented human rights abuses carried out by U.S. client States in Latin America. They argued that of ten Latin American countries that had death squads, all were US client States. Worldwide they claimed that 74% of regimes that used torture on an administrative basis were U.S. client States, receiving military and other support from the U.S. to retain power. They noted that the global rise in State Terror was a result of U.S. foreign policy. Chomsky concluded that all powers backed State Terrorism in client States. At the top were the U.S. and other powers, notably the United Kingdom and France, that provided financial, military, and diplomatic support to Third World regimes kept in power through violence. These governments acted together with multinational corporations, particularly in the arms and security industries. Other developing countries outside the Western sphere of influence carried out State Terror supported by rival powers. The United States legal definition of terrorism excludes acts done by recognized States.'

+ Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman - "The United States and State Terrorism" (2019):

"America is prepared to stand with you—in pursuit of shared interests and common security. But the nations of the Middle East cannot wait for American power to crush this enemy for them. The nations of the Middle East will have to decide what kind of future they want for themselves, for their countries, and for their children. It is a choice between two futures—and it is a choice America CANNOT make for you. A better future is only possible if your nations drive out the terrorists and extremists. Drive. Them. Out. DRIVE THEM OUT of your places of worship. DRIVE THEM OUT of your communities. DRIVE THEM OUT of your holy land, and DRIVE THEM OUT OF THIS EARTH.

For our part, America is committed to adjusting our strategies to meet evolving threats and new facts. We will discard those strategies that have not worked—and will apply new approaches informed by experience and judgment. We are adopting a Principled Realism, rooted in common values and shared interests. Our friends will never question our support, and our enemies will never doubt our determination. Our partnerships will advance security through stability, not through radical disruption. We will make decisions based on real-world outcomes – not inflexible ideology. We will be guided by the lessons of experience, not the confines of rigid thinking. And, wherever possible, we will seek gradual reforms – not sudden intervention. We must seek partners, not perfection—and to make allies of all who share our goals."

Trump Pledge

"Above all, America seeks peace —not war. Muslim nations must be willing to take on the burden, if we are going to defeat terrorism and send its wicked ideology into oblivion. The first task in this joint effort is for your nations to deny all territory to the foot soldiers of evil. Every country in the region has an absolute duty to ensure that terrorists find no sanctuary on their soil... Religious leaders must make this absolutely clear: Barbarism will deliver you no glory – piety to evil will bring you no dignity. If you choose the path of terror, your life will be empty, your life will be brief, and YOUR SOUL WILL BE CONDEMNED. And political leaders must speak out to affirm the same idea: heroes don’t kill innocents; they save them. Many nations here today have taken important steps to raise up that message... For many centuries the Middle East has been home to Christians, Muslims and Jews living side-by-side. We must practice tolerance and respect for each other once again—and make this region a place where every man and woman, no matter their faith or ethnicity, can enjoy a life of dignity and hope. In that spirit, after concluding my visit in Riyadh, I will travel to Jerusalem and Bethlehem, and then to the Vatican—visiting many of the holiest places in the three Abrahamic Faiths. If these three faiths can join together in cooperation, then peace in this world is possible – including peace between Israelis and Palestinians." - DJT (5/21/2017)


+ United Nations Draft Convention on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (2017):
+ Matthew 5:9

Three sigñaturés, three days of sincere repentance, reflection, and prayer, aka "actually seeing the gravity of the issues involved" [or a Rinse-N-Wash™ "convent-ion" flux event for legal purists] and the lower-48 ratify the 28th amendment. Not rocket science, supply & demand. Trust the Don to get it done in 2020.

The 2019 impeachment proceedings coincide with the "war crimes" tribunal for Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar as #FakeNews propaganda. Sign up for the TypeHost News blogstream at Patreon to stay informed.

"Endgame 2020" / "Borderless Solutions" - #Matthew12:20 - LOGOS



typehost's picture

[Intro: Ice-T]

I was reading the news the other day. They call me a "gangsta..."
I never robbed or starved entire countries! ("Robberies! Unbelievable!")
I never committed genocide on entire races of people!!
I never "dropped my bombs" and killed innocent women and children!!!
Who's the fuckin' GANGSTa???

[Verse One: Ice-T]

The EndGame, motherfucker:
"Get your: 'Shit tight!'®/ 'Shit Rite!'™" 
Listen. It's a mission to keep us in the dark.
Keep us apart. Keep us throwing poisonous darts.
Enter the Black Room:
"Cash rules everything, son!"
"Nobody's your friend, fool! Go for your guns!"
"Trust no one! Money buys souls and lives!"
"Brothers and wives = alibis."
"Many will die."
Fuckin' with the² kitchen n*gg@z...
"Demons from Hell!!!™"


Their rooms are oval. The game's global.
They make pawns of men. In the name of God, they keep us apart.
I don't know about you, but I don't hate as much as they do...
I'm just tryin' to live and shit.
Motherfuckers best pray that they don't blow us all away...
"WHO? WHO?" - The power-hungry fools on the Hill.
Before they lose, they'll push the fucking button!
"Explode the air!" 
Winter and Black Rain: "They play the EndGame."

[Verse Two: Ice-T]

Motherfuckers take what they can take! 
Mother-fucking snakes!!!
"They stole this land we live on,"® and "Kill-2-Keep..."™
Then they lie in the school books and rock us to sleep!
We're just lambs here waiting for the bloodbath baby...
"Hitman Army!"™ 
"Hitman Navy!"™
"Moved by the wicked hands of money not love..."®
No one knows their secrets. It's an evil mix man!
"Hold your breath. Pray for Death."℠
That's the only truth left.


Their rooms are oval. The game's global.
They make pawns of men. In the name of God, they keep us apart.
I don't know about you, but I don't hate as much as they do...
I'm just tryin' to live and shit.
Motherfuckers best pray that they don't blow us all away...
"WHO? WHO?" - The power-hungry fools on the Hill.
Before they lose, they'll push the fucking button!
"Explode the air!" 
Winter and Black Rain: "They play the EndGame."

[Verse Three: Ice-T]

I ain't never done shit to your country or fam.
I don't want your oil, man! Don't want your land!
The people that you're "beefing" with are not my friends!!!
They hate me too, and they want me to hate you.
It's the evilest of mixes: "Keep the people twisted!"®
The power-mongers on earth: "They trade life for Dirt."™
It ain't the people of this planet: it's "The Kings"™ & "their courts".
And they do what they gotta do...
" 'Cause Murder's'™ = "Their sport!"® "

[Chorus: X2]

Their rooms are oval. The game's global.
They make pawns of men. In the name of God, they keep us apart.
I don't know about you, but I don't hate as much as they do...
I'm just tryin' to live and shit.
Motherfuckers best pray that they don't blow us all away...
"WHO? WHO?" - The power-hungry fools on the Hill.
Before they lose they'll push the fucking button!
"Explode the air!" 
Winter and Black Rain: "They play the EndGame."

'In July 2006, Body Count released their fourth album, "Murder 4 Hire" on the indie record label Escapi Music. Its album cover, featuring Uncle Sam holding a cardboard sign reading "Will Kill for Money," compares the United States military to contract killers. The then-line-up included drummer O.T., bassist Vincent Price and rhythm guitarist Bendrix.'

+ Body Count:


Bob Marley - "Rastaman Live Up" (Live at Reggae Sunsplash, 1979):
+ Judges 15:1-20 "En Hakkore" #WinterSolstice

Free the Imam! "Court rules against SNCC Chairman & Black Panther Minister H. Rap Brown" (2019):

Imam Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin: America's Senior-most Living Civil Rights Leader!
#EyesOnThePrize #MLK $Christmas "Truth & Reconciliation Commission" #EndGame

typehost's picture

Aung San Suu Kyi

Hong Kong (CNN) 'Few people have risen so high in the international imagination only to fall as dramatically as Aung San Suu Kyi. In 2013, after the Nobel Peace Prize laureate was released from house arrest in Myanmar, as the military regime gradually liberalized in the face of punishing international sanctions, Suu Kyi was hailed in the British parliament as a "conscience of a country and a heroine for humanity." Two years later, as she celebrated victory for her National League for Democracy (NLD) in Myanmar's first free elections in decades, the moment seemed to solidify her place in history as Asia's Nelson Mandela. This week, the "heroine for humanity" appeared at the Hague to defend her country -- and by extension herself -- from accusations of genocide against Rohingya Muslims, hundreds of thousands of whom have been forced out of northwestern Myanmar by a yearslong military crackdown.

Myanmar's colonial rulers -- as they did throughout the world -- played ethnic groups against each other, boosting the Christian Karen and other non-Buddhist minorities and importing large numbers of Indian and Chinese workers. As Suu Kyi herself wrote in 1988, "the practice of encouraging the differences between the various racial groups was to have sad consequences for the independent nation of the future." Though Suu Kyi's father, independence leader General Aung San, succeeded in uniting Shan, Chin and Kachin groups with his Burmese nationalists, hardline Communists and Karen separatists soon launched insurgencies against the newly independent state.

Few mythical figures survive intense scrutiny, and Suu Kyi perhaps more than anyone has fallen short of her public image. Her numerous flaws that were once ignored have now come to the surface. These include, according to numerous critics, a tendency to megalomania and authoritarianism, as well as an anti-Muslim bias that had been an open secret for years before the current crisis. As Francis Wade writes in "Myanmar's Enemy Within: Buddhist Violence and the Making of a Muslim Other," even before the latest crisis "Suu Kyi was often accused of harboring a possible (anti-Muslim) bias of her own, for she was an elite Bamar and thus a beneficiary of the ethnic hierarchy that had formed in Myanmar."

In 2017, Suu Kyi claimed during a phone conversation with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan that a "huge iceberg of misinformation" about the Rohingya crisis was being distributed to benefit "terrorists." According to a readout of the call, she said her government was fighting to ensure "terrorism" didn't spread over the whole of Rakhine state. Speaking last year, former US ambassador to the United Nations Bill Richardson, who has known Suu Kyi for over 30 years and visited her during her lengthy period of house arrest, said she had "changed, she's become, unfortunately, a politician afraid of the military and afraid to make the tough decisions to resolve one of the worst humanitarian crises in history."

Perhaps she has changed. Or perhaps she simply never was the person she was presented as, but instead a far more flawed figure, who, faced with an intensely difficult balancing act, chose to follow the path of least resistance and shore up majority support while sacrificing a loathed minority. She was hardly the first leader to do so, and likely will not be the last. If there is any lesson to be learned from Suu Kyi's downfall it is that Nobel Peace laureates aren't perfect and that democratic transitions do not happen overnight. The international community took its eye off Myanmar, assuming Suu Kyi could handle the country's numerous problems while remaining a paragon of democracy.'

+ #FakeNews Swindlers - Post-Church Commission TV / Propaganda Act of 2016:


Thaksin Shinawatra

"Thaksin Shinawatra is a wanted war criminal. He served in the Thai Police during the Pol Pot era from 1973 to 1987. Shinawatra completed CIA training at Sam Houston State and Western Kentucky University. He was the Prime Minister of Thailand from 2001 to 2006. After being ousted from power, he was found guilty of corruption in 2008 and is now living in self-exile."

Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร):

"It is the sense of Congress that—

(1) foreign governments, including the Governments of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China, use disinformation and other propaganda tools to undermine the national security objectives of the United States and key allies and partners;

(2) the Russian Federation, in particular, has conducted sophisticated and large-scale disinformation campaigns that have sought to have a destabilizing effect on United States allies and interests;

(3) in the last decade disinformation has increasingly become a key feature of the Government of the Russian Federation’s pursuit of political, economic, and military objectives in Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, the Balkans, and throughout Central and Eastern Europe;

(4) the challenge of countering disinformation extends beyond effective strategic communications and public diplomacy, requiring a whole-of-government approach leveraging all elements of national power;

(5) the United States Government should develop a comprehensive strategy to counter foreign disinformation and propaganda and assert leadership in developing a fact-based strategic narrative; and

(6) an important element of this strategy should be to protect and promote a free, healthy, and independent press in countries vulnerable to foreign disinformation."

+ H.R.5181 - Countering Foreign Propaganda and Disinformation Act of 2016:


'By the early years of the 1970s, a series of troubling revelations had appeared in the press concerning intelligence activities. First came the revelations by Army intelligence officer Christopher Pyle in January 1970 of the U.S. Army's spying on the civilian population and Senator Sam Ervin's Senate investigations produced more revelations. Then on December 22, 1974, The New York Times published a lengthy article by Seymour Hersh detailing operations engaged in by the CIA over the years that had been dubbed the "family jewels". Covert action programs involving assassination attempts on foreign leaders and covert attempts to subvert foreign governments were reported for the first time. In addition, the article discussed efforts by intelligence agencies to collect information on the political activities of US citizens.

The Church Committee's final report was published in April 1976 in six books. Also published were seven volumes of Church Committee hearings in the Senate. Before the release of the final report, the committee also published an interim report titled "Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders", which investigated alleged attempts to assassinate foreign leaders, including Patrice Lumumba of Zaire, Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic, Ngo Dinh Diem of Vietnam, Gen. René Schneider of Chile and Fidel Castro of Cuba. President Gerald Ford urged the Senate to withhold the report from the public, but failed, and under recommendations and pressure by the committee, Ford issued Executive Order 11905 (ultimately replaced in 1981 by President Reagan's Executive Order 12333) to ban U.S. sanctioned assassinations of foreign leaders.

In addition, the committee produced seven case studies on covert operations, but only the one on Chile was released, titled "Covert Action in Chile: 1963-1973". The rest were kept secret at CIA's request. According to recently declassified documents by the National Security Archive, the Church Committee also helped to uncover the NSA's Watch List. The information for the list was compiled into the so-called "Rhyming Dictionary" of biographical information, which at its peak held millions of names - thousands of which were US citizens.

'But among the most shocking revelations of the committee was the discovery of Operation SHAMROCK, in which the major telecommunications companies shared their traffic with the NSA from 1945 to the early 1970s. The information gathered in this operation fed directly into the Watch List. In 1975, the committee decided to unilaterally declassify the particulars of this operation, against the objections of President Ford's administration. Together, the Church Committee's reports have been said to constitute the most extensive review of intelligence activities ever made available to the public. Much of the contents were classified.'

+ Senator Frank Church (ID) - The Church Committee (1975):


'In a speech on Wednesday at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) that lasted about 30 minutes, Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi defended her country's military against allegations of genocide. The case, filed by The Gambia, accuses Myanmar of violating the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, with regard to a bloody crackdown in 2017 in which thousands of Rohingya were abused, displaced and killed. The hearing concludes on Thursday, but a final judgement could take several years. In her opening statement, the former human rights icon denied "genocidal intent" on the part of the military and outlined the history of tensions in Rakhine state. She promised that civilians and members of the military who attacked innocent people would be prosecuted, but repeatedly termed the 2017 crackdown as an "internal conflict", saying Myanmar's military was responding to attacks by armed local groups, such as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). But she failed to use one word in the 3,379-word speech to describe the minority, an ethnic group that has been persecuted for years in Myanmar and denied citizenship rights - Rohingya.'

+ ICJ speech: Suu Kyi fails to use 'Rohingya' to describe minority (2019):


+ Church Committee Hearings - "FBI Ops against MLK & Joe Potate Öz" (1975):

'The spectacle of Aung San Suu Kyi, a once-persecuted Nobel peace laureate now defending her country against allegations of genocide over its treatment of the Rohingya minority, has been one of bewildering irony.

In the years after she was released from house arrest in 2010, princes, presidents and prime ministers welcomed Aung San Suu Kyi with open arms into their own opulent homes. The feel-good factor of rubbing shoulders with someone who had dedicated much of her adult life to the pursuit of democracy was irresistible. Then, the grandeur of the Peace Palace in The Hague - a marble-floored monument to global harmony - would have been comfortable surroundings for Myanmar's Nobel Peace Prize winner. A native habitat, even. But not now. There was no red carpet, welcoming committee or brass band. Instead the light pouring through the stained glass of the Great Hall of Justice illuminated an often haunted-looking figure who had chosen to come and listen to descriptions of some of the most unimaginably gruesome acts. Acts said to have been committed in her country. On her watch.

I will long remember certain images from this remarkable week. There were the Rohingya survivors who'd travelled from the crushing bleakness of Cox's Bazar - the largest refugee camp in the world - to be guests in the court. Every morning, they arrived in the same type of sparkling executive transport as Ms Suu Kyi: afforded the same comfort as the leader of the country accused of trying to exterminate their people. For these three representatives of their stateless community, the scales of justice had finally levelled, if only for a few hours. Then there was the face of Aung San Suu Kyi, possibly hearing for the first time in such brutal detail the crimes alleged to have been perpetrated by the Burmese Army in their clearance operation in Rakhine state in August 2017.

Such was the interest in Aung San Suu Kyi's appearance, they had to open a second room to contain the international media. There were rueful shakes of the head, gentle intakes of breath as lawyers for The Gambia read out graphic accounts from Rohingya survivors: pregnant women beaten to death, mass rape, children thrown into fires. We watched Ms Suu Kyi's face - seemingly frozen at times - on a large television as she listened to the allegations against her Myanmar.

Aung San Suu Kyi may have sat alongside her legal team and a small Burmese delegation but she often cut a lonely figure. She is a leader who has alienated herself from former friends in the West and taken refuge in the powerful embrace of China, which continues to provide invaluable economic support and political protection in the UN Security Council. It is the certainty of a Chinese veto on any vote on Myanmar's alleged crimes that has blocked the most obvious path to justice for the Rohingya: a referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

I will remember the crowds outside court - both for and against Ms Suu Kyi. More than a hundred supporters had flown the 5,000 miles from Myanmar to wave banners and shout slogans supporting "Mother Suu". I have no doubt the affection for her was genuine - this was no communist regime-style gathering where pure fear drives the chanting and nobody want to be first to stop applauding. In fact, they sang an old favourite which criticises the former military dictatorship - the apparatus of evil which truly instilled terror in people's hearts.'

+ #FakeNews "Myanmar Rohingya: Aung San Suu Kyi Cuts a Haunted Figure" (2019):


'Nearly twenty-five years later, what Senator McCain said to Mike Wallace during an interview for a segment of the 60 Minutes news magazine (originally broadcast on 12 October 1997 and aired again on 6 June 1999) was not a personal declaration that he had been a “war criminal” who “bombed innocent women and children,” but a lamentation that while a POW he had, under pain of torture, finally allowed his captors to coerce him into issuing a “confession” stating such. A transcript of the relevant portion of the 60 Minutes interview from 1997 shows that when McCain spoke the sentences “I was guilty of war crimes against the Vietnamese people” and “I intentionally bombed women and children,” he was referring to the substance of a confession his North Vietnamese captors had forced him to write as wartime propaganda, not making a open admission of personal guilt.'

+ Snopes: Is John McCain a ‘War Criminal’? (2019):


Udon Thani ISIS

'Thailand is set to open a brand-new kind of tourist attraction on Saturday - the army base once suspected of being home to a CIA black site and secret torture prison. The attraction, located in Thailand's north-eastern city of Udon Thani, will open as Ramasun Camp Historical Museum and will be free to enter. The facility is rumoured to be where the US Central Intelligence Agency took south-east Asia's most wanted terror suspect, Riduan Isamuddin – also known as Hambali. Ramasun allegedly started life as a US Army Radio Research Field station in 1964 and was later used in the Vietnam war to spy on communists and control plane movements. The base was then abandoned between 1976 and 1997, according to the government-run Thailand Tourism Directory website. The US has neither confirmed nor denied using Thailand in its war on terror, but Thai governments have continually denied any involvement in CIA blacksites.'

+ Ramasun Historical Museum: Inside the CIA's 'Black Site' in Thailand (2018):


+ Madam Secretary: "A Disinformation Campaign by a Foreign Power" (2018):

'Egyptian protesters, largely ultras & conservative Islamists, climbed the walls of the US embassy in Cairo on Tuesday, made their way into the courtyard and brought down the flag, replacing it with a black flag with an Islamic inscription to protest a film attacking Islam's prophet, Muhammad [P.B.U.H.]. Hours later, armed men in eastern Libya also stormed the US consulate there and set it on fire as anger spread. Hundreds of protesters marched to the embassy in central Cairo, gathering outside its walls and chanting against the movie, which was reportedly produced in the United States. "Say it, don't fear: their ambassador must leave," the crowd chanted. Dozens of protesters then scaled the embassy walls, took down the flag from a pole in the courtyard and brought it back to the crowd outside. The crowd tried to burn it, but failing that, tore it apart. The protesters on the wall then raised on the flagpole a black flag with the Muslim declaration of faith on it: "Lā ʾilāha ʾillā llāh, Muḥammadun rasūlu llāh" The flag, similar to the banner used by al-Qaeda, is commonly used by ultras & conservatives around the region. Almost all the staff had left before the embassy was breached, a US official said. Only a few staff members were still inside, as embassy security had sent most staff home early after learning of the upcoming protest. The situation is still fluid, said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he wasn't authorized to speak publicly on the matter. An official in the embassy in Cairo said the ambassador was out of town. In a sign of growing anger over the film, Libyans set fire to the US consulate in the eastern city of Benghazi and fired in the air after a protest against the film. Witnesses said much of the consulate was burned.'

+ U.S. Missions Stormed in Libya, Egypt - Movie Critical of Prophet Muhammad [P.B.U.H.] Spurs Attack in Benghazi, Killing American; Protesters Breach Wall of Cairo Compound (2012):

Thaksin Shinawatra

'The Charoen Pokphand Group (CP) [เจริญโภคภัณฑ์] is a Thai conglomerate based in Bangkok. It is Thailand's largest private company and one of world's largest conglomerates. It consists of three core businesses that operate in agribusiness and food, retail and distribution, and the telecommunications industries with investments in over 30 countries, employing over 300,000 people. Charoen Pokphand owns controlling stakes in CP Foods, the world's largest producer of feed, shrimp, and a global top three producer of poultry, pork, among other agricultural produces. It also operates Southeast Asia's largest retail business by revenue, with over 10,000 Seven Eleven stores in Thailand and a leading cash transfer service called Siam Makro. In the telecommunications sector, CP Group subsidiary, True Group, is one of the largest telecom firms in Southeast Asia with over 25 million mobile customers. With some 200 business subsidiaries in Mainland China, CP Group is known in China as "Zhèng Dà" (正大). When China opened up its economy in 1978, the CP Group was the very first foreign investor in the country and became the first foreign company registered in the special economic zone of Shenzhen, Guangdong. The company is the single largest investor in Mainland China today commanding over fifth of China's entire feed meal market. The corporate registration number was "0001." Through its extensive investments, CP Group has been credited with changing the country's dietary habits and leading China's green revolution.'

+ Team "Innocence of Muslims" - Benghazi/Langley Axis (2012):
+ Team "Chicken Carcass" Buddhism (Ft. Dickenson): Lauda Air & Human Trafficking (2020):

'Eminent jurists, professional legal organizations, and human rights monitors in this country and around the world have declared that President George W. Bush may be prosecuted as a war criminal when he leaves office for his overt and systematic violations of such international law as the Geneva and Hague Conventions and such US law as the War Crimes Act, the Anti-Torture Act, and federal assault laws. George W. Bush, War Criminal? identifies and documents 269 specific war crimes under US and international law for which President Bush, senior officials and staff in his administration, and military officers under his command are liable to be prosecuted. Haas divides the 269 war crimes of the Bush administration into four classes: 6 war crimes committed in launching a war of aggression; 36 war crimes committed in the conduct of war; 175 war crimes committed in the treatment of prisoners; and 52 war crimes committed in postwar occupations. For each of the 269 war crimes of the Bush administration, Professor Haas gives chapter and verse in precise but non-technical language, including the specific acts deemed to be war crimes, the names of the officials deemed to be war criminals, and the exact language of the international or domestic laws violated by those officials. The author proceeds to consider the various US, international, and foreign tribunals in which the war crimes of Bush administration defendants may be tried under applicable bodies of law. He evaluates the real-world practicability of bringing cases against Bush and Bush officials in each of the possible venues. Finally, he weighs the legal, political, and humanitarian pros and cons of actually bringing Bush and Bush officials to trial for war crimes.'

+ George W. Bush, War Criminal?: The Bush Administration's Liability for 269 War Crimes (2008):

+ The People's Tribunal on the Iraq War (2016):
+ Shahada ("The Testimony"):


The Gambia Gambit

'The Gambia is a very small and narrow country whose borders mirror the meandering Gambia River. The Gambia is less than 50 kilometres (31 miles) wide at its widest point, with a total area of 11,295 km2 (4,361 sq mi). It is the smallest country on the African mainland. The Gambia has a total area slightly less than that of the island of Jamaica. The present boundaries were defined in 1889 after an agreement between the United Kingdom and France. During the negotiations between the French and the British in Paris, the French initially gave the British around 200 miles (320 km) of the Gambia River to control. Starting with the placement of boundary markers in 1891, it took nearly 15 years after the Paris meetings to determine the final borders of The Gambia. The resulting series of straight lines and arcs gave the British control of areas about 10 miles (16 km) north and south of the Gambia River. The Gambia Armed Forces has hosted British and United States training teams from the Royal Gibraltar Regiment and US AFRICOM.'

+ The Gambia National Army (GNA) & Gambia National Gendarmerie (GNG): British-U.S. AFRICOM (2019):
+ #hegemon #COINTELPRO Udon Thani ISIS #PaulRobeson #saffron

' There were ten times more air strikes in the covert war on terror during President Barack Obama’s presidency than under his predecessor, George W. Bush. Obama embraced the US drone programme, overseeing more strikes in his first year than Bush carried out during his entire presidency. A total of 563 strikes, largely by drones, targeted Pakistan, Somalia and Yemen during Obama’s two terms, compared to 57 strikes under Bush. Between 384 and 807 civilians were killed in those countries, according to reports logged by the Bureau. The use of drones aligned with Obama’s ambition to keep up the war against al Qaeda while extricating the US military from intractable, costly ground wars in the Middle East and Asia. But the targeted killing programme has drawn much criticism. The Obama administration has insisted that drone strikes are so “exceptionally surgical and precise” that they pluck off terror suspects while not putting “innocent men, women and children in danger”. This claim has been contested by numerous human rights groups, however, and the Bureau’s figures on civilian casualties also demonstrate that this is often not the case.'

+ Obama’s Covert Drone War in Numbers: Ten Times More Strikes than Bush (2017):

'Obama’s advocacy of drones has widespread support in Washington’s foreign-policy and defense establishments. As Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton wholeheartedly backed the drone campaigns in Pakistan and Yemen. Republican hawks like John McCain and Lindsey Graham, who otherwise criticize the President as effete and indecisive, are also enthusiastic. But do drones actually represent a humanitarian advance in air combat? Or do they create a false impression of exactitude? And do they really serve the best interests of the United States? A C.I.A. covert action seeks to surreptitiously influence events abroad while allowing the United States to deny the project’s existence. The National Security Act of 1947 legalized covert action as long as a President finds that it does not violate the Constitution or U.S. law and is required to protect the nation. A President must sign a written “Finding” that authorizes the program. Memorandums of Notification are highly classified follow-on documents—specific orders from a President to the C.I.A. describing the scope and the necessity of the operation. They can be concise, sometimes as short as a single page. On September 17, 2001, President George W. Bush signed a new counterterrorism M.O.N., partly based on Rizzo’s input. It was “multiple pages” in length, according to Rizzo. He had worked at the C.I.A. since 1976 and he regarded this document as the “most comprehensive, most ambitious, most aggressive, and most risky Finding or M.O.N. I was ever involved in.” Among its provisions, “one short paragraph” authorized targeted killings of Al Qaeda terrorists and their allies. “The language was simple and stark.” That paragraph became the foundation for the C.I.A.’s drone operations.'

+ "Obama’s Drone War: The Unblinking Stare" - Steve Coll (2014):

'Entrapment is a practice whereby a law enforcement agent or agent of the state induces a person to commit a “crime” that the person would have otherwise been unlikely or unwilling to commit. It "is the conception and planning of an offense by an officer or agent, and the procurement of its commission by one who would not have perpetrated it except for the trickery, persuasion or fraud of the officer or state agent." Police conduct rising to the level of entrapment is broadly discouraged and thus, in many jurisdictions, is available as a defense against criminal liability. Sting operations, through which police officers or agents engage in deception to try to catch persons who are committing crimes, raise concerns about possible entrapment. In a Mr. Big case, the police usually place the suspect, typically someone socially isolated and financially disadvantaged, under extended surveillance, typically for weeks. Having thus learned about the suspect's personality and habits, the police develop an interactive scenario. Pretending to encounter the suspect by happenstance, an undercover operative solicits a small favor from the suspect, perhaps to fix a flat tire. Exploiting this acquaintanceship, the operative soon offers entertainment, gifts, companionship, meals, and eventually employment. The undercover operative pays the suspect appreciable money for petty tasks, such as counting cash or making deliveries, associated with fictitious criminal activity. As these tasks grow in importance and frequency, the suspect is treated as an "up-and-comer" in a criminal organization. As many as 50 operatives may be involved, crafting "a steady escalation in association, influence and pressure, leading up to the creation of an atmosphere in which it is deemed appropriate to encourage the target to confess". Eventually, the suspect is introduced to Mr. Big, the fictitious crime organization's kingpin, actually a skilled police interrogator.'

+ Entrapment & "Mr. Big" Propaganda Ops in the GWOT #FalseFlag Scam (2019):


Carter Ham

'Yellow Journalism and "the yellow press" are American terms for journalism and associated newspapers that present little or no legitimate well-researched news while instead using eye-catching headlines for increased sales. Techniques may include exaggerations of news events, scandal-mongering, disinformation, propaganda, false flag events, and popular sensationalism. By extension, the term yellow journalism is used today as a pejorative manner to decry any journalism that treats news in an unprofessional or unethical fashion. The term was coined in the mid-1890s to characterize the sensational journalism in the circulation war between Joseph Pulitzer's New York World and William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal. The battle peaked from 1895 to about 1898, and historical usage often refers specifically to this period. Both papers were accused by critics of sensationalizing the news in order to drive up circulation, although the newspapers did serious reporting as well.

Pulitzer and Hearst are often adduced as a primary cause of the United States' entry into the Spanish–American War due to sensationalist stories or exaggerations of the terrible conditions in Cuba. However, the majority of Americans did not live in New York City, and the decision-makers who did live there probably relied more on staid newspapers like the Times, The Sun, or the Post. James Creelman wrote an anecdote in his memoir that artist Frederic Remington telegrammed Hearst to tell him all was quiet in Cuba and "There will be no war." Creelman claimed Hearst responded "Please remain. You furnish the pictures and I'll furnish the war." Hearst denied the veracity of the story, and no one has found any evidence of the telegrams existing. Hearst became a war hawk after a rebellion broke out in Cuba in 1895. Stories of Cuban virtue and Spanish brutality soon dominated his front page. While the accounts were of dubious accuracy, the newspaper readers of the 19th century did not expect, or necessarily want, his stories to be pure nonfiction. Historian Michael Robertson has said that "Newspaper reporters and readers of the 1890s were much less concerned with distinguishing among fact-based reporting, opinion and literature." Pulitzer, though lacking Hearst's resources, kept the story on his front page. The yellow press covered the revolution extensively and often inaccurately, but conditions on Cuba were horrific enough. The island was in a terrible economic depression, and Spanish general Valeriano Weyler, sent to crush the rebellion, herded Cuban peasants into concentration camps, leading hundreds of Cubans to their deaths. Having clamored for a fight for two years, Hearst took credit for the conflict when it came: A week after the United States declared war on Spain, he ran "How do you like the Journal's war?" on his front page.'

+ "The Yellow Press", by L. M. Glackens (2014):
+ RMS Lusitania (5/7/1917):
+ Gulf of Tonkin (8/4/1964):
+ USS Maine (2/4/1898):

Yellow Journalism

'Illustration shows William Randolph Hearst as a jester tossing newspapers with headlines such as "Appeals to Passion, Venom, Sensationalism, Attacks on Honest Officials, Strife, Distorted News, Personal Grievance, [and] Misrepresentation" to a crowd of eager readers, among them an anarchist assassinating a politician speaking from a platform draped with American flags; on the left, men labeled "Man who buys the comic supplement for the kids, Businessman, Gullible Reformer, Advertiser, [and] Decent Citizen" carry bags of money that they dump into Hearst's printing press. Includes note: "The time is at hand when these journalistic scoundrels have got to stop or get out, and I am ready now to do my share to that end. They are absolutely without souls. If decent people would refuse to look at such newspapers the whole thing would right itself at once. The journalism of New York City has been dragged to the lowest depths of degradation. The grossest railleries and libels, instead of honest statements and fair discussion, have gone unchecked."-- From Mayor Gaynor's letter published in the New York Evening Post.'

+ Glackens, L. M. (Louis M.), 1866-1933, - Library of Congress (1910):
+ Puck (1871–1918):
+ Rupert Murdoch (1931):

'Since the turn of the century, a new type of warfare has developed. The standard-bearer is arguably the remotely piloted aircraft or ‘drone’, a technological innovation that has proliferated at a rapid rate and appears to be becoming commonplace as covert operations in the arsenals of states throughout the globe. The remote nature of drones means that they can be lighter, smaller and cheaper than conventional aircraft or manpower-driven operations, and can overfly areas otherwise too risky for foot patrols, which is key to their success. Originally utilised for surveillance purposes, the use of drones has evolved over time to enable the swift delivery of lethal force. Carrying laser-guided munitions, drones enable precision strikes by replacing humans with robots on the battlefield. In the U.S. case law, humans and drones are interchangeable parts of an extra-judicial killing machine and function as a technical form of "State Terrorism" where the monopoly of violence is corrupted by abuse of power, bigotry, and profit-seeking in Deep State/Top Secret "Alphabet" agencies.

A non-international armed conflict exists when there is ‘protracted armed violence between governmental authorities and organized armed groups or between such groups within a State’. This has been interpreted further as requiring fighting to be sufficiently intense and involving a group that is sufficiently organised. Both of these thresholds must be met before a non-international armed conflict can be deemed to exist. Under Additional Protocol II, there is arguably a higher threshold, which requires that non-state armed groups must be ‘under responsible command’ and ‘exercise such control over a part of [the state’s] territory as to enable them to carry out sustained and concerted military operations and to implement this Protocol’. However, this is not customary law and so it applies only as a matter of treaty law between the States Parties to Additional Protocol II. Thus, to be governed by the international law applicable in non-international armed conflict, drone strikes must have been carried out as part of fighting that is sufficiently intense, against an organised non-state armed group. US officials have suggested that an armed conflict is ongoing between the US and ‘Al Qaeda, the Taliban and other associated forces’. But, this proposition is legally problematic, as it artificially conflates the actions of multiple, separate non-state armed groups under the umbrella of a single entity in order to create a conflict that spans several nations. Such a conflation is incorrect under international law. The UK government, for example, has specifically rejected the US notion of a global non-international armed conflict between a state and a non-state armed group as a possible basis for action against ISIS outside of the extant non-international armed conflict in Iraq and Syria.

Additionally, it has been argued that, when force is used against a non-state armed group without the consent of the ‘host’ state, a separate international armed conflict will arise between the ‘host’ and the intervening state. It is argued that the use of force in such a situation is necessarily ‘against’ the ‘host’ state, contrary to Article 2(4) of the Charter of the UN, even if only the non-state armed group is targeted. This argument remains controversial and is not supported by a majority of the literature, though it finds support in international and national jurisprudence. In this context, it should be noted that more than one international judicial decision has held that conflict situations may be ‘mixed’, and contain both international and non-international armed conflicts. Therefore, it is important to be aware of the ongoing nature of governmental consent to the intervention of third states. This is particularly important when examining drone use and covert operation approval, as many extraterritorial operations will raise the issue of whether ‘host’ state consent exists. Again, drone strikes can be either human or robot-controlled vehicles under the relevant U.S. case law.'


+ #FakeNews Democratic Voice of Rohingya - Udon Thani ISIS / BBC (2019):

'Furthermore, drone strikes that may incidentally cause death or destruction to civilians or civilian objects, or a combination thereof, will be unlawful only if that incidental harm is ‘excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated’. This has been found to be a rule of customary international law and is therefore effective in both international and non-international armed conflicts. The operation of this rule is one of balancing the anticipated military advantage. with the collateral harm to civilians. This is apposite when assessing the legality of particular drone strikes as it has been asserted that certain strikes have produced a disproportionate level of civilian casualties relative to the military advantage anticipated.

The right to life is a fundamental right within IHRL, recognised by multiple treaties and as a norm of customary international law. It is therefore a rule – under Article 6 of the ICCPR, which is binding upon all states using drones – that no one can be arbitrarily deprived of their life. Within an armed conflict, the term ‘arbitrary’ is interpreted in light of norms of IHL, so that if an individual were to be deprived of their life during an armed conflict, in a manner that was lawful under IHL, it would not be an arbitrary killing. Outside of an armed conflict, a state may use lethal force when exercising law enforcement, but not arbitrarily. This has been interpreted by the UN Human Rights Committee as requiring that force used is proportionate and necessary; proportionate to the threat the target represents; and necessary as the only available means to stop the threat. Therefore, though the use of drone strikes to kill outside of an armed conflict may likely be unlawful under IHRL, their use would potentially be lawful if other lives were at stake and the urgency of the situation did not leave any choice for methods of incapacitation other than lethal force. This is in accord with the approach taken by the ECtHR to the use of lethal force during law enforcement operations.

Prohibited by Article 7 of the ICCPR, as well as other regional IHRL instruments, the right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment can be impacted by drone strikes. This is due to the psychological impact of the presence of drones upon those who live beneath them. Life in a region in which drones are regularly operated has been described as ‘hell on earth’, in which the constant sound of droning is juxtaposed with missiles that, moving faster than the speed of sound, impact and detonate without warning. The definition of torture in Article 1 of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) includes both ‘physical or mental’ suffering, which means that, depending on the circumstances, the impact of drone flights can be brought within this category. Article 16 of the CAT refers to ‘other acts of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment which do not amount to torture’, demonstrating that the different categories of treatment exist on a spectrum. Thus, if not torture, drone use may amount to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.

Civilian casualties are a tragic and indisputable result of military operations, including drone strikes. These are often relabelled ‘collateral damage’ in an attempt to sanitise the least palatable aspect of armed conflict, and the designation may be said to simultaneously demean the loss of human life. The examination of civilian casualties is key to gaining a clear picture of the nature and impact of drone strikes. In the situation of an armed conflict, civilian casualties, ancillary to a lawful military attack, are not necessarily unlawful under international law, as long as they are not excessive. Under Article 8 of the Rome Statute, the intentional targeting of civilians or the launching of an attack in the knowledge that such attack will cause clearly excessive incidental civilian casualties is a war crime. Assessing harm to civilians is an important marker of operational effectiveness, as no party to an armed conflict can know if force used has been accurate, precise or proportionate, unless it has data about the consequences of that force. Without proper post-strike assessments, it would be very difficult to make accurate statements as to the scale of civilian harm caused in any particular operation.'


Khmer Rouge

'Thailand was home to the agency’s first secret prison, or “black site,” after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. There, American officers repeatedly waterboarded at least two high-profile detainees, part of the so-called enhanced interrogation techniques that much of the world would later describe as torture. In all, 10 CIA prisoners were arrested or held on Thai soil before being transferred without due process to the U.S. military prison at Guantanamo Bay in Cuba or to other countries, according to a 2013 report by the Open Society Justice Initiative, which has studied the detention program. That dark chapter in CIA history has reemerged with President Trump’s nomination of a new director, Gina Haspel, a career undercover officer who oversaw the Thai black site in late 2002. At her confirmation hearing, which is scheduled for May 9, Haspel will face sharp questions from senators who argue that the tactics failed to extract useful intelligence and damaged U.S. standing in the world. But in Thailand, collaboration with the CIA ushered in an era of impunity for security forces, according to rights advocates, who accuse the army and police of adopting the agency’s most extreme methods to punish Muslim separatists and other dissidents.

The legacy of the CIA secret prison is a daily reality in Thailand today,” said Sunai Phasuk, a Bangkok-based researcher with Human Rights Watch. "Every week we have a new case of torture, and the tactics are very similar to what we learned about what the CIA did. These are seen as effective tools. We had never heard of waterboarding before — it was only after 2004 or 2005 that it’s been used here.” / “The existence of a U.S. black site is one of Thailand’s worst kept secrets,” said Andrea Giorgetta, Asia director for the International Federation for Human Rights, in Paris. “It is unlikely to be an issue that will resurface here because nobody would benefit from bringing it up.”

Thailand is far from alone in failing to examine its role in the CIA program, which allowed terrorism suspects to be interrogated without any of the standard U.S. legal protections. Of 54 countries that Open Society identified as having captured, held, questioned, tortured or helped transport CIA detainees, fewer than half have opened domestic inquiries or heard court cases challenging their involvement. Former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra denied that his country hosted a CIA secret prison.'

+ The CIA closed its original ‘black site’ years ago. But its legacy of torture lives on in Thailand (2018):

typehost's picture


“Listen, Bernie, and tell us your opinion, I want to hear it. I was fighting tooth and nail for #Saffron and wanted you to help me. I told them you were coming to Burma again. It began with the Socialist doctrine. You know their screed: 'Crime is a protest against the abnormality of the social organisation and nothing more!"® and 'Heroin is the pursuit of happiness, non-violent activity based on individual choice, freedom of religion, "Morpheus-vs-the-Matrix III™" & nothing more.'® No other human rights causes admitted!...”

“You are wrong there,” cried John Kerry; he was noticeably animated and kept laughing as he looked at Hitlary, which made him more excited than ever.

“Nothing is admitted,” Hitlary interrupted with heat.

“I am not wrong. I’ll show you the 'Endgame 2012' pamphlets. Everything with them is 'Save the environment!’ and the Gandhi-King community. 'Mother Nature' -their favourite phrase! From which it follows that, if society is normally organized, all crime will cease at once, since there will be nothing to protest against and all men & women will become righteous in one instant. Enlightened human nature is not taken into account, it is excluded, it’s not supposed to exist! They don’t recognise that humanity, developing by a historical living process, requires the abolition of war and nuclear weapons in order to realize the Kingdom of Heaven on Earth. They believe that the U.S. social system has come out of some mathematical, bureaucratic superbrain and SkyNet™ is going to organise all of humanity at once and make it just spineless in an instant, quicker than any living process! That’s why they instinctively dislike history, ‘nothing but ugliness and stupidity in it,’ and they explain it all as settler colonialism! That’s why they so dislike the living process of life; they don’t want a living World Soul! The Mahatma demands life, the lower soul (Nafs) won’t obey the rules of even common mechanics. The World Soul is an object of suspicion. The Mahatma is retrograde! But what they want though it smells of Death™ and can be made of India-rubber, at least is not alive, has no will, is servile and won’t revolt! And it comes in the end to their reducing everything to the building of walls and the planning of rooms and passages in a phalanstery! The phalanstery is ready, indeed, but your human nature is not ready for the phalanstery—it wants life, it hasn’t completed its vital process, it’s too soon for the graveyard! You can’t skip over nature by logic. Logic presupposes three possibilities, 'EndGame 2020' requires three signatures, but there are millions ready in the pen! Cut away a million people here and there through Nazi eugenics, and balance the map. Reduce it all to the question of Southern Comfort™ in Charlottesville! That’s the easiest solution of the problem! It’s seductively clear and you musn’t think about it. That’s the great thing, you mustn’t think! On the other hand, 'Endgame 2012' has the whole secret of life in 108 pages of print!”

“Now he is off, beating the drum! Catch hold of him, do!” laughed Obama. “Can you imagine,” he turned to the Ghost of Marx, “six people holding forth like that last night, in one room, with punch as a preliminary! No, brother, you are wrong, environment accounts for a great deal in crime; I can assure you of that.”

“Oh, I know it does, but just tell me: a man of forty violates a child of ten; was it environment drove him to it?”

“Well, strictly speaking, it did,” Obama observed with noteworthy gravity; “a crime of that nature may be very well ascribed to the influence of environment.”

Hitlary was almost in a frenzy. “Oh, if you like,” she roared. “I’ll prove to you that your white eyelashes may very well be ascribed to the Church of Ivan the Great’s being two hundred and fifty feet high, and I will prove it clearly, exactly, progressively, and even with a Liberal tendency! I undertake to! Will you bet on it?”

“Drone! Let’s hear, please, how she will prove it!”

“He is always humbugging, confound him,” cried Hitlary, jumping up and gesticulating. “What’s the use of talking to you? He does all that on purpose; you don’t know him, Bernie! He took their side yesterday, simply to make a fool of Hoss. And the things he said yesterday! And the proles were delighted! He can keep it up for a fortnight on a bender. Last year Bernie persuaded us that he was going into a monastery: Obama predicted he'd stick to it for two months. Not long after, he took it into his head to declare he was going to get married, that he had everything ready for the wedding. "The Emperor Wears No Clothes,"® indeed. We all began to congratulate him. There was no bride, nothing, all pure fantasy!”

“Ah, you are wrong!” Bernie said. “I got the clothes before I got divorced. It was the new clothes in fact that made me think of Hoss taking you in.”

“Are you such a good dissembler?” the Ghost of Marx asked carelessly.


'99th Episode Quickies®: "Rowan & Martin's 'Laugh-In'™ was a fast-moving barrage of jokes, one-liners, running skits, & musical numbers, making fun of the social and political issues of the late 1960s & early 1970s.'

+ Rowan & Martin's 'Laugh-In'™ #HollywoodHates #GunViolence (1968):

“You wouldn’t have supposed it, eh? Wait a bit, I shall take you in, too. Ha-ha-ha! No, I’ll tell you the truth. All these questions about war crimes, Myanmar, innocent Muslim children, recall to my mind an article of yours which interested me at the time. ‘The Khmer Rouge’... or something of the sort, I forget the name, I read it with pleasure two months ago in the Periodical Review.”

“My article? In the Periodical Review?” the Ghost of Marx asked in astonishment. “I certainly did write an article about Dick Pot in a book six months ago when I left the university, but I sent it to the Weekly Review.”

“But it came out in the Periodical,” Hitlary stated.

“And the Weekly Review ceased to exist after 9/11, so that’s why it wasn’t printed at the time,” Obama added.

“That’s true; but when it ceased to exist, the Weekly Review was amalgamated with the Periodical, and so your article appeared two months ago in the latter. Didn’t you know?” Bernie asked.

The Ghost of Marx had not known.

“Why, you might get some money out of them for the article! What a strange ghost you are! You lead such a solitary life that you know nothing of matters that concern you directly. It’s a fact, I assure you,” Aung San Suu Kyi said to Marx.

“Bravo, Suu Kyii! I knew nothing about it either!” cried Hitlary. “I’ll run to-day to the reading-room and ask for the number. Two months ago? What was the date? It doesn’t matter though, I will find it. Think of not telling us!”

“How did you find out that the article was mine? It’s only signed with an initial,” Marx inquired.

“I only learnt it by chance, the other day. Through the Sarajevo editor; I know him.... I was very much interested,” Hitlary stuttered.

“I analysed, if I remember, the psychology of a criminal before and after the war crime...”

“Yes, and you maintained that the perpetration of a war crime is always accompanied by illness called 'lying to escape political responsibility for the act' where the cover-up activity is often even more evil & corrupt than the original offence over time. Very, very original, but... it was not that part of your article that interested me so much, but an idea at the end of the article which I regret to say you merely suggested without working it out clearly. There is, if you recollect, a suggestion that there are certain persons who can... that is, not precisely are able to, but have a perfect right to commit breaches of morality and war crimes, and that the international law is not for them.”

The Ghost of Marx smiled at the exaggerated and intentional distortion of his idea.

“What? What do you mean? A right to commit war crimes? But not because of the influence of environment?” Kerry inquired with some alarm, even.

“No, not exactly because of it,” answered Obama. “In his article all men are divided into ‘ordinary’ and ‘extraordinary.’ Ordinary men have to live in submission, have no right to transgress the law, because, don’t you see, they are ordinary. But extraordinary men have a right to commit any crime and to transgress the law in any way, just because they are extraordinary. That was your idea, if I am not mistaken?”

“What do you mean? That can’t be right?” Hitlary muttered in bewilderment.



'The forms of class conflict include direct violence, such as wars for resources and cheap labor and assassinations; indirect violence, such as deaths from poverty and starvation, illness and unsafe working conditions. Economic coercion, such as the threat of unemployment or the withdrawal of investment capital; or ideologically, by way of political literature. Additionally, political forms of class warfare are: legal and illegal lobbying, and bribery of legislators or military leadership. The most typical example of class conflict described is class warfare within capitalism. This class conflict is seen to occur primarily between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, and takes the form of conflict over hours of work, value of wages, division of profits, cost of consumer goods, the culture at work, control over parliament or bureaucracy, and economic inequality in colonialism. The particular implementation of government programs which may seem purely humanitarian, such as disaster relief, can actually be a form of ruling class hegemony. In the USA, class conflict is based on perceived ethnic lines of heritage in Apartheid & military slavery. Apart from these day-to-day forms of class conflict, during periods of crisis or revolution class warfare takes on a violent nature and involves repression, assault, restriction of civil liberties, and murderous violence such as assassinations or death squads.'

+ Class Warfare (2019):
+ "A People's History of the United States" - Howard Zinn (1996):
+ #Deconstruction

The Ghost of Marx smiled again. He saw the point at once, and knew where they wanted to drive him. He decided to take up the challenge.

“That wasn’t quite my contention,” he began simply and modestly. “Yet I admit that you have stated it almost correctly; perhaps, if you like, perfectly so.” (It almost gave him pleasure to admit this.) “The only difference is that I don’t contend that extraordinary people are always bound to commit breaches of morals, as you call it. In fact, I doubt whether such an argument could be published. I simply hinted that an ‘extraordinary’ man has the right... that is not an official right, but an inner right to decide in his own conscience to overstep... certain obstacles, and only in case it is essential for the practical fulfilment of his idea (sometimes, perhaps, of benefit to the whole of humanity). You say that my article isn’t definite; I am ready to make it as clear as I can. Perhaps I am right in thinking you want me to; very well. I maintain that if the discoveries of Kepler and Newton could not have been made known except by sacrificing the lives of one, a dozen, a hundred, or more men, Newton would have had the right, would indeed have been in duty-bound... to eliminate the dozen or the hundred men for the sake of making his discoveries known to the whole of humanity. But it does not follow from that that Newton had a right to murder people right and left or to lynch and steal every day in the market. Then, I remember, I maintain in my article that all... well, legislators and leaders of men, such as Lycurgus, Solon, Mahomet [P.B.U.H.], Napoleon, and so on, were all without exception criminals, from the very fact that, making a new law, they transgressed the ancient one, handed down from their ancestors and held sacred by the people, and they did not stop short at bloodshed either, if that bloodshed—often of innocent persons fighting bravely in defence of ancient law—were of use to their cause. It’s remarkable, in fact, that the majority, indeed, of these benefactors and leaders of humanity were guilty of terrible carnage. In short, I maintain that all great men or even men a little out of the common, that is to say capable of giving some New World Order, must from their very nature be war criminals—after the 20th century, of course. Otherwise it’s hard for them to get out of the common rut; and to remain in the common rut is what they can’t submit to, from their very nature again, and to my mind they ought not, indeed, to submit to it. You see that there is nothing particularly new in all that. The same thing has been printed and read a thousand times before. As for my division of people into ordinary (working class) and extraordinary (ruling class), I acknowledge that it’s somewhat arbitrary, but I don’t insist upon exact numbers. I only believe in my leading idea that men are in general divided by a law of nature into two categories, inferior, ordinary, or middle class people, that is so to say, material that serves only to reproduce its kind, and men who have the gift or the talent to utter a new word of law. There are, of course, innumerable sub-divisions in real estate law available now, but the distinguishing features of both legal categories are fairly well marked by the Whigs. The first category of lower-class people, generally speaking, are men & women conservative in temperament and law-abiding; they live under control and love to be controlled. To my thinking it is their duty to be controlled, because that’s their vocation, and there is nothing humiliating in it for them. The second category of upper class people all transgress the law; they are the destroyers of humanity and disposed to various forms of particular destruction according to their capacities. The crimes of these men & women are of course relative and varied; for the most part they seek in very varied ways the destruction of the present for the sake of the butter. But if such a one is forced for the sake of his idea to step over a corpse or wade through rivers of blood, he can, I maintain, find within himself, in his conscience, a sanction for wading through blood—that depends on the idea and its dimensions, note that it may depend also on the gender or quantity of money involved. It’s only in that sense I speak of their right to crime in my article (you remember it began with the legal question). There’s no need for such anxiety, however; the masses will scarcely ever admit this right, they punish them or hang them (more or less), and in doing so fulfil quite justly their conservative vocation. But the same masses set these war criminals on a pedestal in the next generation and worship them in a new cycle of massacres (self-objectified in a post-Fordist regime) followed by erasure. The first category of lower class person is always 'the man of the President,®' the second, the man of the upper classes, is: 'The Man of the Future™'. The lower class preserves the world and people in it like meek sheeple, the upper classes, devoid of nobility, move the world through capital, and lead it to its goal on the back of Satan™. Each of the three classes has an equal right to exist under international human rights laws. In fact, all have equal rights with me—and vive la guerre éternelle—till the New Jerusalem, of course!”

“Then you believe in the New Jerusalem, do you?”

“I do,” the Ghost of Marx answered firmly; as he said these words and during the whole preceding tirade he kept his eyes on one spot on the carpet.

“And... and do you believe in God? Excuse my curiosity.”

“I do,” repeated the Ghost of Marx, raising his eyes to Obama.

“And... do you believe in Lazarus’ rising from the dead?”

“I... I do. Why do you ask all this?”

“You believe it literally?”


“You don’t say so.... I asked from curiosity. Excuse me. But let us go back to the question; they are not always executed. Some, on the contrary...”

“Triumph in their lifetime? Oh, yes, some attain their ends in this life, and then...”

“They begin executing other people?”

“If it’s necessary; indeed, for the most part they do. Your remark is very witty.”

“Thank you. But tell me this: how do you distinguish those extraordinary people from the ordinary ones? Are there signs at their birth? I feel there ought to be more exactitude, more external definition. Excuse the natural anxiety of a practical law-abiding citizen, but couldn’t they adopt a special uniform, for instance, couldn’t they wear something, be branded in some way? For you know if confusion arises and a member of one category imagines that he belongs to the other, begins to ‘eliminate obstacles’ as you so happily expressed it, then...”

“Oh, that very often happens! That remark is wittier than the other.”

“Fuck you.”

“No reason to; but take note that the mistake can only arise in the first category, that is among the ordinary people (as I perhaps unfortunately called them). In spite of their predisposition to obedience very many of them, through a playfulness of nature, sometimes vouchsafed even to the cow, like to imagine themselves advanced people, ‘destroyers,’ and to push themselves into the ‘new movement,’ and this quite sincerely. Meanwhile the really new people are very often unobserved by them, or even despised as reactionaries of grovelling tendencies. But I don’t think there is any considerable danger here, and you really need not be uneasy for they never go very far. Of course, they might have a thrashing sometimes for letting their fancy run away with them and to teach them their place, but no more; in fact, even this isn’t necessary as they castigate themselves, for they are very conscientious: some perform this service for one another and others chastise themselves with their own hands.... They will impose various public acts of penitence upon themselves with a beautiful and edifying effect; in fact you’ve nothing to be uneasy about.... It’s a law of nature.”


Golden Rule

'According to Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, the Golden Rule is arguably the most essential basis for the modern concept of human rights, in which each individual has a right to just treatment, and a reciprocal responsibility to ensure justice for others. However Leo Damrite argued that the notion that the Golden Rule pertains to "rights" per se is a contemporary interpretation and has nothing to do with its origin. The development of human "rights" is a modern political ideal that began as a philosophical concept promulgated through the philosophy of Jean Jacques Rousseau in 18th century France, among others. His writings influenced Thomas Jefferson, who then incorporated Rousseau's reference to "inalienable rights" into the United States Declaration of Independence in 1776. Damrite argued that to confuse the Golden Rule with human rights is to apply contemporary thinking to ancient concepts. The "Declaration Toward a Global Ethic" from the Parliament of the World’s Religions (1993) proclaimed the Golden Rule ("We must treat others as we wish others to treat us") as the common principle for many religions. The Initial Declaration was signed by 143 leaders from all of the world's major faiths, including Baha'i Faith, Brahmanism, Brahma Kumaris, Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Indigenous, Interfaith, Islam, Jainism, Judaism, Native American, Neo-Pagan, Sikhism, Taoism, Theosophist, Unitarian Universalist and Zoroastrian.'

The Golden Rule

+ The Golden Rule (2019):
+ "A People's History of the United States" - Howard Zinn (1996):
+ Matthew 7:12 (Interlinear):
+ Karma:

“Well, you have certainly set my mind more at rest on that score; but there’s another thing worries me. Tell me, please, are there many people who have the right to kill others, these extraordinary people? I am ready to bow down to them, of course, but you must admit it’s alarming if there are a great many of them, eh?”

“Oh, you needn’t worry about that either,” the Ghost of Marx went on in the same tone. “People with new ideas, people with the faintest capacity for saying something new, are extremely few in number, extraordinarily so in fact. One thing only is clear, that the appearance of all these grades and sub-divisions of men must follow with unfailing regularity some law of nature. That law, of course, is unknown at present, but I am convinced that it exists, and one day may become known. The vast mass of mankind is mere material, and only exists in order by some great effort, by some mysterious process, by means of some crossing of races and stocks, to bring into the world at last perhaps one man out of a thousand with a spark of independence. One in ten thousand perhaps—I speak roughly, approximately—is born with some independence, and with still greater independence one in a hundred thousand. The man of genius is one of millions, and the great geniuses, the crown of humanity, appear on earth perhaps one in many thousand millions. In fact I have not peeped into the retort in which all this takes place. But there certainly is and must be a definite law, it cannot be a matter of chance.”

“Why, are you both joking?” Hitlary cried at last. “There you sit, making fun of one another. Are you serious, Marx?”

The Ghost of Marx raised his pale and almost mournful face and made no reply. And the unconcealed, persistent, nervous, and discourteous sarcasm of Obama seemed strange to Hitlary beside that quiet and mournful face.

“Well, brother, if you are really serious... You are right, of course, in saying that it’s not new, that it’s like what we’ve read and heard a thousand times already; but what is really original in all this, and is exclusively your own, to my horror, is that you sanction bloodshed in the name of conscience, and, excuse my saying so, with such fanaticism.... That, I take it, is the point of your article. But that sanction of bloodshed by conscience is to my mind... more terrible than the official, legal sanction of bloodshed....”

“You are quite right, it is more terrible,” Marx agreed.

“Yes, you must have exaggerated! There is some mistake, I shall read it. You can’t think that! I shall read it...” Hitlary sorted through her briefcase files.

“All that is not in the article, there’s only a hint of it,” said the Ghost of Marx.

“Yes, yes.” Obama couldn’t sit still. “Your attitude to crime is pretty clear to me now, but... excuse me for my impertinence (I am really ashamed to be worrying you like this), you see, you’ve removed my anxiety as to the two grades getting mixed, but... there are various practical possibilities that make me uneasy! What if some man or youth imagines that he is a Lycurgus or Mahomet [P.B.U.H.] —a future one of course—and suppose he begins to remove all obstacles.... He has some great enterprise before him and needs money for it... and tries to get it... do you see?”

Bernie gave a sudden guffaw in his corner. The Ghost of Marx did not even raise his eyes to him.

“I must admit,” he went on calmly, “that such cases certainly must arise. The vain and foolish are particularly apt to fall into that snare; young people especially.”

“Yes, you see. Well then?”

“What then?” the Ghost of Marx smiled in reply; “that’s not my fault. So it is and so it always will be. She said just now (he nodded at Hitlary) that I sanction bloodshed. Society is too well protected by prisons, banishment, criminal investigators, penal servitude. There’s no need to be uneasy. You have but to catch the thief.”

Jesus Pieces

'Orwell spent five years from 1922 to 1927 as a police officer in the Indian Imperial Police force in Burma (now Myanmar). Burma had become part of the British Empire during the 19th century as an adjunct of British India. The British colonized Burma in stages—it was not until 1885 when they captured the royal capital of Mandalay that Burma as a whole could be declared part of the British Empire. Migrant workers from India and China supplemented the native Burmese population. Although Burma was the wealthiest country in Southeast Asia under British rule, as a colony it was seen very much as a backwater. The image which the English people were meant to uphold in these communities was a huge burden and the majority of them carried expectations all the way from Britain with the intention of maintaining their customs and rule. Harpers brought out Burmese Days in the US on 25 October 1934, in an edition of 2,000 copies. In February 1935, just four months after publication, 976 copies were remaindered. The only American review that Orwell himself saw, in the New York Herald Tribune, by Margaret Carson Hubbard, was unfavourable: "The ghastly vulgarity of the third-rate characters who endure the heat and talk ad nausea of the glorious days of the British Raj, when fifteen lashes settled any native insolence, is such that they kill all interest in their doings."'

+ "Burmese Days" - George Orwell (1934):

“And what if we do catch him or her?”

“Then he or she gets what he or she deserves.”

“You are certainly logical. But what of his or her conscience?”

“Why do you care about that?”

“Simply from humanity.”

“If he or she has a conscience he or she will suffer for his or her mistake. That will be his or her punishment—as well as their prison.”

“But the real geniuses,” asked Hitlary frowning, “those who have the right to murder? Oughtn’t they to suffer at all even for the blood they’ve shed?”

“Why the word ought? It’s not a matter of permission or prohibition. He or she will suffer if he or she is sorry for his or her victim. Pain and suffering are always inevitable for a large intelligence and a deep heart. The really great men must think that women have great sadness on earth,” he added dreamily, not in the tone of the conversation.

He raised his eyes, looked earnestly at them all, smiled, and took his cap. He was too quiet by comparison with his manner at his entrance, and he felt this. Everyone got up.

“Well, you may abuse me, be angry with me if you like,” John Kerry began again, “but I can’t resist. Allow me one little question (I know I am troubling you). There is just one little notion I want to express, simply that I may not forget it.”

“Very good, tell me your little notion,” the Ghost of Marx stood waiting, pale and grave before him.

“Well, you see... I really don’t know how to express it properly.... It’s a playful, psychological idea.... When you were writing your article, surely you couldn’t have helped, he-he! fancying yourself... just a little, an ‘extraordinary’ man, uttering a new word in your sense.... That’s so, isn’t it?”

“Quite possibly,” the Ghost of Marx answered contemptuously.

Hitlary made a "Sieg Heil!" movement.

“And, if so, could you bring yourself in case of worldly difficulties and hardship or for some service to humanity—to overstep obstacles?... For instance, to rob and murder?”

And again she winked with her left eye, saluted with the double Heilige, and laughed noiselessly just as before.

“If I did I certainly should not tell you,” the Ghost of Marx answered with defiant and haughty contempt.


Stanford Prison

'According to Zimbardo's interpretation of the SPE, it demonstrated that the simulated-prison situation, rather than individual personality traits, caused the participants' behavior. Using this situational attribution, the results are compatible with those of the Milgram experiment, where random participants complied with orders to administer seemingly dangerous and potentially lethal electric shocks to a shill. The experiment has also been used to illustrate cognitive dissonance theory and the power of authority. Participants' behavior may have been shaped by knowing that they were watched (Hawthorne effect). Instead of being restrained by fear of an observer, guards may have behaved more aggressively when supervisors observing them did not step in to restrain them. Zimbardo instructed the guards before the experiment to disrespect the prisoners in various ways. For example, they had to refer to prisoners by number rather than by name. This, according to Zimbardo, was intended to diminish the prisoners' individuality. With no control, prisoners learned they had little effect on what happened to them, ultimately causing them to stop responding, and give up. Quick to realize that the guards were the highest in the hierarchy, prisoners began to accept their roles as less important human beings.'

+ The Stanford Prison Experiment & the U.S. House Committee on the Judiciary (1971):
+ The Hawthorne Effect & the Mk-Ultra™ Panopticon (1958):
+ The Third Wave / Udon Thani ISIS / Khmer Rouge (1967):

“No, I was only interested on account of your article, from a literary point of view...”

“Fool! How obvious and insolent that is!” the Ghost of Marx thought with repulsion.

“Allow me to observe,” he answered dryly, “that I don’t consider myself a Mahomet [P.B.U.H.] or a Napoleon, nor any personage of that kind, and not being one of them I cannot tell you how I should act.”

“Oh, come, don’t we all think ourselves Napoleons or John Reeds now in Russia?” John Kerry said with alarming familiarity.

Something peculiar betrayed itself in the very intonation of his voice.

“Perhaps it was one of these future Napoleons who financed Aung San Suu Kyi's 'Black Ops' last week?” Tiny Tim blurted out from the corner.

The Ghost of Marx did not speak, but looked firmly and intently at Obama. Hitlary was scowling gloomily. She seemed before this to be noticing something. She looked angrily around. There was a minute of gloomy silence. The Ghost of Marx turned to go.

“Are you going already?” Obama said amiably, holding out his hand with excessive politeness. “Very, very glad of your acquaintance. As for your request, have no uneasiness, write just as I told you, or, better still, come to me there yourself in a day or two... to-morrow, indeed. I shall be there at eleven o’clock for certain. We’ll arrange it all; we’ll have a talk. As one of the last to be there, you might perhaps be able to tell us something,” he added with a most good-natured expression.

“You want to cross-examine me officially in due form?” the Ghost of Marx asked sharply.



"We, the governments of Great Britain and the United States, in the name of India, Burma, Malaya, Australia, British East Africa, British Guiana, Hong Kong, Siam, Singapore, Egypt, Palestine, Canada, New Zealand, Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales, as well as Puerto Rico, Guam, the Philippines, Hawaii, Alaska, and the Virgin Islands, hereby declare most emphatically, that this is not an imperialist war crime."


"Vern, why do you look at the speck of sawdu$t in your Burmese sister’s eye and pay no attention to the plank in your own eye? How can you say to your Cobra™ brother, ‘Let me take the mote out of God's eye,’ when all the time there is a plank in your own eye? Hypocrite! First take the plank out of your own eye, and then you will see "Infinite Justice'™ more clearly to assist in the removal of the speck from your little sister’s eye in post-colonial Myanmar."

+ "The Mote and the Beam" - From 'The Sermon on the Mount' by #MaxPlank - Matthew 7:(3-5) [NIV]:):

“Oh, why? That’s not necessary for the present. You misunderstand me. I lose no opportunity, you see, and... I’ve talked with all who had pledges.... I obtained evidence from some of them, and you are the last.... Yes, by the way,” he cried, seemingly suddenly delighted, “I just remember, what was I thinking of?” He turned to Hitlary, “you were talking my ears off about that 28th Amendment proposal to abolish war and nuclear weapons... of course, I know, I know very well,” he turned to the Ghost of Marx, “Aung San Suu Kyi is innocent, but what is one to do?”'

+ "War Crimes & Capital Punishment" - Fyodor Dostoevsky (1866):


Christ-o-Ball™ Colon

'In November 1979, Jeane Kirkpatrick—who at the time was a professor at Georgetown University and later became President Ronald Reagan’s first permanent representative to the United Nations—wrote an article in Commentary magazine titled “Dictatorships and Double Standards.” In it, she argued that the United States had become too passive in the world. In Kirkpatrick’s view, the Carter administration had accepted the overthrow of Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua and the Shah of Iran because of a belief that the changes underway in these societies were a result of the historical forces of modernization that the United States could not control. There was also a desire on the part of U.S. officials, she averred, to avoid being on the “wrong side of history.” The article laid out a case against a credulous U.S. president who willingly accepted the commitments of revolutionary movements—like the Sandinistas—to forge more just political and economic systems, downplaying the threat these groups posed to American interests given their links to the Soviet Union. Nestled within the apparent naiveté of the Carter administration was, according to Kirkpatrick, a pernicious double standard: When reliable, albeit authoritarian, allies confronted popular opposition, the United States at first pressured them to reform in midst of a crisis and then effectively abandoned them—delivering once-allied countries into the hands of anti-American authoritarians, which President Jimmy Carter and his advisors accepted as the inevitable result of modernization.'

+ "Loving Dictators Is as American as Apple Pie" - Steven Cook (2019):

"There seems to be two main reasons why the United States applied a double standard in its relations with foreign nations during the Cold War. First, 'racist assumptions' on the part of U.S. decision-makers, who considered the peoples of the so-called Third World as too immature to govern themselves and, more gravely, prone to communist seduction. Furthermore, according to an evolutionary modernization theory, which was predominant in several administrations, right-wing dictatorships were seen as part of the transition to democracy. Totalitarian (e.g. communist) states, in contrast, were considered to be immune to this kind of gradual and inevitable political change... In the heyday of the Cold War neither Congress nor the American people were willing to challenge the policy of containment and its lacking moral foundation. Against this background, it was even possible to topple elected governments, like that of Salvadore Allende in Chile – a case which figures prominently in Schmitz’s book (it also deals with Angola, Congo, El Salvador, Greece, Indonesia, Iran, Nicaragua, the Philippines, and South Africa). It was only in the wake of the Vietnam War that the Cold War consensus was beginning to crumble. The American public and Congress started to realize 'that the United States had completely lost its moral compass'."

+ "The United States & Right-wing Dictatorships, 1965-1989" - David F. Schmitz (2006):

typehost's picture

Fat Albert

'The Pike Committee is the common name for the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence during the period when it was chaired by Democratic Representative Otis G. Pike of New York. The Select Committee had originally been established in February 1975 under the chairmanship of Congressman Lucien Nedzi of Michigan. Following Nedzi's resignation in June, the committee was reconstituted with Pike as chair, in July 1975, with its mandate expiring January 31, 1976. Under Pike's chairmanship, the committee investigated illegal activities by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and the National Security Agency (NSA). The final report of the Pike Committee was never officially published, due to Congressional opposition. However, unauthorized versions of the (draft) final report were leaked to the press. CBS News reporter Daniel Schorr was called to testify before Congress, but refused to divulge his source. Major portions of the report were published by The Village Voice, and a full copy of the draft was published in the United Kingdom.'

+ "Operation Mockingbird: CIA Control of Mainstream Media - The Full Story" (1975):

'Operation Mockingbird is an alleged large-scale program of the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) that began in the early 1950s and attempted to manipulate news media for propaganda purposes. It funded student and cultural organizations and magazines as front organizations. According to writer Deborah Davis, Operation Mockingbird recruited leading American journalists into a propaganda network and oversaw the operations of front groups. CIA support of front groups was exposed after a 1967 Ramparts magazine article reported that the National Student Association received funding from the CIA. In the 1970s, Congressional investigations and reports also revealed Agency connections with journalists and civic groups. None of these reports, however, mentions by name an Operation Mockingbird coordinating or supporting these activities. A Project Mockingbird is mentioned in the CIA Family Jewels report, compiled in the mid-1970s. According to the declassified version of the report released in 2007, Project Mockingbird involved the wire-tapping of two American journalists for several months in the early 1960s.

In the early years of the Cold War, efforts were made by the governments of both the United States and the Soviet Union to use media companies to influence public opinion internationally. In a 1977 Rolling Stone magazine article, "The CIA and the Media," reporter Carl Bernstein wrote that by 1953, CIA Director Allen Dulles oversaw the media network, which had major influence over 25 newspapers and wire agencies. Its usual modus operandi was to place reports, developed from CIA-provided intelligence, with cooperating or unwitting reporters. Those reports would be repeated or cited by the recipient reporters and would then, in turn, be cited throughout the media wire services. These networks were run by people with well-known liberal but pro-American-big-business and anti-Soviet views, such as William S. Paley (CBS), Henry Luce (Time and Life), Arthur Hays Sulzberger (The New York Times), Alfred Friendly (managing editor of The Washington Post), Jerry O'Leary (The Washington Star), Hal Hendrix (Miami News), Barry Bingham, Sr. (Louisville Courier-Journal), James S. Copley (Copley News Services) and Joseph Harrison (The Christian Science Monitor).

Reporter Deborah Davis claimed in her 1979 biography of Katharine Graham, owner of The Washington Post, (Katharine the Great), that the CIA ran an "Operation Mockingbird" during this time. Davis claimed that the International Organization of Journalists was created as a Communist front organization and "received money from Moscow and controlled reporters on every major newspaper in Europe, disseminating stories that promoted the Communist cause." Davis claimed that Frank Wisner, director of the Office of Policy Coordination (a covert operations unit created in 1948 by the United States National Security Council) had created Operation Mockingbird in response to the International Organization of Journalists, recruiting Phil Graham from The Washington Post to run the project within the industry. According to Davis, "By the early 1950s, Wisner 'owned' respected members of The New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles." Davis claimed that after Cord Meyer joined the CIA in 1951, he became Operation Mockingbird's "principal operative."

After the Watergate scandal in 1972–1974, the U.S. Congress became concerned over possible presidential abuse of the CIA. This concern reached its height when reporter Seymour Hersh published an exposé of CIA domestic surveillance in 1975. Congress authorized a series of Congressional investigations into Agency activities from 1975 to 1976. A wide range of CIA operations were examined in these investigations, including CIA ties with journalists and numerous private voluntary organizations.

The most extensive discussion of CIA relations with news media from these investigations is in the Church Committee's final report, published in April 1976. The report covered CIA ties with both foreign and domestic news media.

For foreign news media, the report concluded that:

"The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and television stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets."

For domestic media, the report states:

"Approximately 50 of the [Agency] assets are individual American journalists or employees of U.S. media organizations. Of these, fewer than half are 'accredited' by U.S. media organizations ... The remaining individuals are non-accredited freelance contributors and media representatives abroad ... More than a dozen United States news organizations and commercial publishing houses formerly provided cover for CIA agents abroad. A few of these organizations were unaware that they provided this cover."

Prior to the release of the Church report, the CIA had already begun restricting its use of journalists. According to the report, former CIA director William Colby informed the committee that in 1973 he had issued instructions that "As a general policy, the Agency will not make any clandestine use of staff employees of U.S. publications which have a substantial impact or influence on public opinion." In February 1976, Director George H. W. Bush announced an even more restrictive policy: "effective immediately, CIA will not enter into any paid or contractual relationship with any full-time or part-time news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news service, newspaper, periodical, radio or television network or station. By the time the Church Committee Report was completed, all CIA contacts with accredited journalists had been dropped. The Committee noted, however, that "accredited correspondent" meant the ban was limited to individuals "formally authorized by contract or issuance of press credentials to represent themselves as correspondents" and that non-contract workers who did not receive press credentials, such as stringers or freelancers, were not included.'

+ "Operation Mockingbird: CIA Control of Mainstream Media" (1975):


'WakeUP™ Radio: H Rap Brown Update (2016): "National Day of Action to free Imam Jamil Al-Amin in respect of his ongoing health issues & history of civil rights activism."
+ U.S. Truth & Reconciliation Commission (2019):
#Malcolm_X #MLK #SNCC #Gandhi #EndGame2020

#Impeachment Правда #FakeNews = @CBS @TiME @LiFe @NYtimes @WashingtonPost @Newsweek @CSmonitor @BBC @VOANews Wolf @CNN @AJENews @RT_com = Fortune 500

'Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (French: La distinction) is a 1979 book by Pierre Bourdieu, based upon the author's empirical research from 1963 until 1968. A sociological report about the state of French culture, Distinction was first published in English translation in 1984. In 1998 the International Sociological Association voted Distinction as one of the ten most important sociology books of the 20th century. Bourdieu proposes that those with a high volume of cultural capital — non-financial social assets, such as education, which promote social mobility beyond economic means — are most likely to be able to determine what constitutes taste within society. Those with lower volumes of overall capital accept this taste, and the distinction of high and low culture, as legitimate and natural, and thus accept existing restrictions on conversion between the various forms of capital (economic, social, cultural). Those with low overall capital are unable to access a higher volume of cultural capital because they lack the necessary means to do so. This could mean lacking the terminology to describe or methods of understanding classical artwork, due to features of their habitus, for example. Bourdieu asserts in this respect that 'working-class people expect objects to fulfil a function' whilst those free from economic necessities are able to operate a pure gaze separated from everyday life. The acceptance of 'dominant' forms of taste is, Bourdieu argues, a form of 'symbolic violence'. That is, the naturalization of this distinction of taste and its misrecognition as necessary denies the dominated classes the means of defining their own world, which leads to the disadvantage of those with less overall capital. Moreover, that even when the subordinate social classes might seem to have their own ideas about what is and what is not good taste, "the working-class ‘aesthetic’ is a dominated aesthetic, which is constantly obliged to define itself in terms of the dominant aesthetics" of the ruling class.

The aesthetic choices of a person create class fractions (class-based social groups) and actively distance a social class from other social classes of a society. Hence, predispositions to certain kinds of food, music and art are taught and instilled in children and these class-specific (not particular nor individual) tastes help guide children to their "appropriate" social positions. Therefore, self-selection into a class fraction is achieved by impelling the child's internalization of preferences for objects and behaviors suitable for him or her as member of a given social class and also, the development of an aversion towards the preferred objects and behaviors of other social classes. In practice, when a man or a woman encounters the culture and the arts of another social class, he or she feels "disgust, provoked by horror, or visceral intolerance (‘feeling sick’) of the tastes of others." Therefore, "Taste" is an important example of cultural hegemony, of how class fractions are determined. It's not only the possession of social capital and economic capital, but possession of cultural capital as well. Instilling and acquiring cultural capital is used as an insidious mechanism to ensure social reproduction as well as cultural reproduction of the ruling class. Moreover, because persons are taught his and her tastes at an early age, taste is deeply internalized. Social re-conditioning for taste is very difficult. The taste instilled and acquired tends to permanently identify a person as one from a certain social class and this impedes social mobility. In this way, the cultural tastes of the dominant (ruling) class tend to dominate the tastes of the other social classes, forcing individual men and women of economically and culturally dominated classes to conform to the dominating aesthetic preferences, or risk "societal" (but in fact, fractional and domineering) disapproval —appearing crude, vulgar and tasteless.

In the field of sociology, cultural capital comprises the social assets of a person (education, intellect, style of speech, style of dress, etc.) that promote social mobility in a stratified society. Cultural capital functions as a social-relation within an economy of practices (system of exchange), and comprises all of the material and symbolic goods, without distinction, that society considers rare and worth seeking. As a social relation within a system of exchange, cultural capital includes the accumulated cultural knowledge that confers social status and power. Influenced by structuralism, Bourdieu sought to go beyond the traditional reliance on regression analysis in contemporary sociology and achieve a more rigorous quantitative approach. Rather than relying on the correlation of multiple independent variables, he was interested in developing a framework to allow him to view "the complete system of relations that make up the true principle of the force and form specific to the effects recorded in such and such correlation." For the analysis in La Distinction, Bourdieu, working with his statistical technician Salah Bouhedja, employed multiple rounds of correspondence analysis on a set of data from two surveys, the "Kodak survey" of 1963 and the "taste survey" of 1967. In addition to this analysis, Bourdieu also applied correspondence analysis to a subset of the data, the responses from what Bourdieu labelled the "dominant classes" and the "petite-bourgeoisie." This type of research represented an early attempt at geometric data analysis, specifically multiple correspondence analysis, which would become an important methodological framework in Bourdieu's later work.'


"Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002) was a French sociologist, anthropologist, philosopher and public intellectual. Bourdieu's work was primarily concerned with the dynamics of power in society, especially the diverse and subtle ways in which power is transferred and social order is maintained within and across generations. In conscious opposition to the idealist tradition of much of Western philosophy, his work often emphasized the corporeal nature of social life and stressed the role of practice and embodiment in social dynamics. Building upon the theories of Martin Heidegger, Ludwig Wittgenstein, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Edmund Husserl, Georges Canguilhem, Karl Marx, Gaston Bachelard, Max Weber, Émile Durkheim, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Erwin Panofsky and Marcel Mauss among others, his research pioneered novel investigative frameworks and methods, and introduced such influential concepts as cultural, social, and symbolic forms of capital (as opposed to traditional economic forms of capital), the cultural reproduction, the habitus, the field or location, and symbolic violence. According to Bourdieu agents do not continuously calculate according to explicit rational and economic criteria. Rather, social agents operate according to an implicit practical logic—a practical sense—and bodily dispositions. Social agents act according to their "feel for the game" (the "feel" being, roughly, habitus, and the "game" being the field). Bourdieu's anthropological work was dominated by social hierarchy reproduction analysis. Bourdieu criticized the importance given to economic factors in the analysis of social order and change. He stressed that the capacity of actors to impose their cultural reproductions and symbolic systems plays an essential role in the reproduction of dominate social structures. Symbolic violence is the self-interested capacity to ensure that the arbitrariness of the social order is either ignored, or argued as natural, thereby justifying the legitimacy of existing social structures. This concept plays an essential part in his sociological analysis."

+ Pierre Bourdieu - "The Field of Cultural Production" (1993):

'In the sociological essay, "The Forms of Capital" (1986), Pierre Bourdieu identifies three categories of capital:

  • Economic capital: Command of economic resources (money, assets, property).
  • Social capital: Actual and potential resources linked to the possession of a durable network of institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition.
  • Cultural capital: A person's education (knowledge and intellectual skills) that provides advantage in achieving a higher social-status in society.

There are three types of cultural capital: (i) Embodied capital; (ii) Objectified capital; and (iii) Institutionalised capital:

Embodied cultural capital comprises the knowledge that is consciously acquired and passively inherited, by socialization to culture and tradition. Unlike property, cultural capital is not transmissible, but is acquired over time, as it is impressed upon the person's habitus (character and way of thinking), which, in turn, becomes more receptive to similar cultural influences. Linguistic cultural capital is the mastery of language and its relations; the embodied cultural capital, which is a person's means of communication and self-presentation, acquired from the national culture.

Objectified cultural capital comprises the person's property (e.g. a work of art, scientific instruments, etc.) that can be transmitted for economic profit (buying-and-selling) and for symbolically conveying the possession of cultural capital facilitated by owning such things. Yet, whilst possessing a work of art (objectified cultural-capital) the person can consume the art (understand its cultural meaning) only with the proper conceptual and historical foundations of prior cultural-capital. As such, cultural capital is not transmitted in the sale of the work of art, except by coincidental and independent causation, when the seller explains the artwork's significance to the buyer.

Institutionalized cultural capital comprises an institution's formal recognition of a person's cultural capital, usually academic credentials or professional qualifications. The greatest social role of institutionalized cultural-capital is in the labor market (a job), wherein it allows the expression of the person's array of cultural capital as qualitative and quantitative measurements (which are compared against the measures of cultural capital of other people). The institutional recognition facilitates the conversion of cultural capital into economic capital, by serving as a heuristic (practical solution) with which the seller can describe his or her cultural capital to the buyer.



'One year was enough for the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) to return support bases, groups and organizations that at the time, supported the political and government project of Andrés Manuel López Obrador. From the bleak speeches of “we are alone” of December 2018, they passed this December 2019 to the celebration of five massive events with diverse social sectors; and to the challenge: they will defend the land against government economic projects, "until death if necessary." Thousands of people from different regions of the country and the world, congregated the last month of the year with Zapatistas, during events with themes of cinema and art, agriculture and territory, and women. The theme of the economic project of the president of Mexico, based on what is known as "megaprojects" , went through all the discussions. These are projects such as the Mayan Train, the Transistmic Corridor , and the alliance it has made with entrepreneurs such as Ricardo Salinas Pliego, Alberto Bailléres and Carlos Slim , linked to mining, energy, hydraulic, and real estate mining projects. One of the most significant meetings, the "Forum in defense of the territory and Mother Earth", which was held in San Cristóbal de las Casas on December 21 and 22, which was convened in alliance with the National Indigenous Congress (CNI), organizations and groups from the countryside and the city of 24 states of the country attended. There groups were reunited that in the framework of the 2018 electoral process decided to bet on the López Obrador government, and who today disappointed by the economic model, returned to meet their allies, the Zapatistas and the EZLN. At that meeting, they accused the government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador of supplanting their will through “deceptive consultations” , to “forcefully impose the so-called Mayan Train, which delivers the indigenous territories to the great industrial and tourist capital”; they agreed to articulate to defend their territory, be self-sustaining and strengthen a life system in an economic model different from the capitalist one. And to the meeting of “Women who Fight” that was held between the 26 and 29 of this month, in one of the canyons of the municipality of Altamirano, at the entrance to the Lacandon jungle, almost four thousand attendees -women from 49 countries- They also questioned the impact that the capitalist economic model and projects based on the extraction of natural resources have on this sector of society. In this context, this December 31, in celebration of the 26 years that the EZLN came to light, the leadership of the insurgent group, in the voice of Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés, vindicated the meaning of their struggle to create better living conditions , its rejection of the capitalist economic system, and the construction of new development models based on self-management and autonomies that recover knowledge of the original peoples. This directly confronts the course of previous and current government. In this sense, before an audience consisting mainly of Zapatista militiamen - who have a military background - Moses said: “We have stood firm in building something new. We have had failures and errors, it is true. Surely we will do more in our long way, but we have never given up, we have never sold ourselves, we have never given up (...) and we are increasingly more. We have a life project, schools and health clinics flourish in our communities, and the land is worked collectively. “And collectively we support each other, we are thus community, community of communities. And we remain firm in the fulfillment of our duty as guardian peoples of Mother Earth.”'

+ "26th Anniversary: Strengthened EZLN Challenges López Obrador" (2020)

The cultural capital of a person is linked to his or her habitus (embodied disposition and tendencies) and field (social positions), which are configured as a social-relation structure. The field is the place of social position that is constituted by the conflicts that occur when social groups endeavour to establish and define what is cultural capital, within a given social space; therefore, depending upon the social field, one type of cultural capital can simultaneously be legitimate and illegitimate. In that way, the legitimization (societal recognition) of a type of cultural capital can be arbitrary and derived from symbolic capital. The habitus of a person is composed of the intellectual dispositions inculcated to him or her by family and the familial environment, and are manifested according to the nature of the person. As such, the social formation of a person's habitus is influenced by family, by objective changes in social class, and by social interactions with other people in daily life; moreover, the habitus of a person also changes when he or she changes social positions within the field.

in Distinction (1984:107), Bourdieu states "sexual properties are as inseparable from class properties as the yellowness of lemons is inseparable from its acidity". He simply did not articulate the differences attributable to gender in his general theory of reproduction in the education system. On the other hand, two authors have introduced new variables into Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital. Emmison & Frow's (1998) work centers on an exploration of the ability of Information Technology to be considered a form of cultural capital. The authors state that "a familiarity with, and a positive disposition towards the use of bourgeoisie technologies of the information age can be seen as an additional form of cultural capital bestowing advantage on those families that possess them". Specifically computers are "machines" (Bourdieu, 1986:47) that form a type of objectified cultural capital, and the ability to use them is an embodied type of cultural capital. This work is useful because it shows the ways in which Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital can be expanded and updated to include cultural goods and practices which are progressively more important in determining achievement both in the school and without.

Hage uses Bourdieu's theory of cultural capital to explore multiculturalism and racism in Australia. His discussion around race is distinct from Bourdieu's treatment of migrants and their amount of linguistic capital and habitus. Hage actually conceives of "whiteness" (in Dolby, 2000:49) as being a form of cultural capital. 'White' is not a stable, biologically determined trait, but a "shifting set of social practices" (Dolby, 2000:49). He conceptualizes the nation as a circular field, with the hierarchy moving from the powerful center (composed of 'white' Australians) to the less powerful periphery (composed of the 'others'). The 'others' however are not simply dominated, but are forced to compete with each other for a place closer to the centre. This use of Bourdieu's notion of capital and fields is extremely illuminating to understand how people of non-Anglo ethnicities may try and exchange the cultural capital of their ethnic background with that of 'whiteness' to gain a higher position in the hierarchy. It is especially useful to see it in these terms as it exposes the arbitrary nature of what is "Australian", and how it is determined by those in the dominant position (mainly 'white' Australians). In a path-breaking study, Bauder (2006) uses the notions of habitus and cultural capital to explain the situation of migrants in the labor market and society.'

+ "Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (1979):
+ Cultural Capital:
+ Dumbing Down:


Marching Morons

'"The Marching Morons" is a science fiction story by American writer Cyril M. Kornbluth, originally published in Galaxy in April 1951. It was included in The Science Fiction Hall of Fame, Volume Two after being voted one of the best novellas up to 1965. The story follows John Barlow, who was put into suspended animation by a freak accident involving a dental drill and anesthesia. Barlow is revived hundreds of years in the future. The world seems mad to Barlow until he discovers the 'Problem of Population': due to a combination of intelligent people not having children and excessive breeding by less intelligent people and coupled with the development of more sophisticated machinery that makes it less important to possess intelligence in one's working life, the world is full of morons, with the exception of an elite few who work slavishly to keep order. Barlow, who was a shrewd real estate con man in his day, has a solution to sell to the elite, in exchange for being made World Dictator.

The human population is now 3 million highbred elite and 5 billion morons, and the "average" IQ is 45 (whereas now an IQ score of 100 is average, by Mark Zuckerberg's definition). Several generations before the onset of the story, the small number of remaining 100-and-higher-IQ technocrats work feverishly to keep the morons alive. The elite have had little success in solving the Problem (also called "Poprob", for 'population problem', in the story) for several reasons:

  • The morons must be managed or else there will be chaos, resulting in billions of deaths and "five hundred million tons of rotting flesh";
  • It is not possible to sterilize all of the morons;
  • Propaganda against large families is insufficient, because every biological drive is towards fertility.

The elite have tried everything rational to solve the population problem but the problem cannot be solved rationally. The solution requires a way of thinking that no longer exists – Barlow's "vicious self-interest" and his knowledge of ancient history. Barlow derives a solution based on his experience in scamming people into buying worthless land and knowledge of lemmings' mass migration into the sea: convince the morons to travel to Venus in spaceships that will kill their passengers out of view of land. The story predates the moon landing, and the safety of space travel is summed up in a description of a rocket that crashed on the moon. Propaganda depicts Venus as a tropical paradise, with "blanket trees", "ham bushes" and "soap roots". In a nationalistic frenzy, every country tries to send as many of their people to Venus as possible to stake their claim. Barlow's help includes using his knowledge of Nazi Propaganda tactics: postcards are sent from the supposedly happy new residents of Venus to relatives left behind, describing a wonderful, easy life, in the same way as fraudulent postcards were sent to relatives of those incinerated in the Nazi death-camps. But Barlow is duped by his erstwhile assistants. Barlow does not realize that the elite despise him as they despise all people from the past for having not solved The Problem earlier. In the end, Barlow is placed on a spaceship to Venus to share the fate of his victims. He realises that murder will not rub genocide out of the soul at death and that there is a price to be paid for the extermination.'

+ C.M. Kornbluth - "The Marching Morons" [Galaxy Science Fiction] (1951):



'Orientalism is a 1978 book by Edward W. Said, in which the author discusses Orientalism, defined as the West's patronizing representations of "The East"—the societies and peoples who inhabit the places of Asia, North Africa, and the Middle East. According to Said, orientalism (the Western scholarship about the Eastern World) is inextricably tied to the imperialist societies who produced it, which makes much Orientalist work inherently political and servile to power. According to Said, in the Middle East, the social, economic, and cultural practices of the ruling Arab elites indicate they are imperial satraps who have internalized the romanticized "Arab Culture" created by French, British and, later, American Orientalists; the examples include critical analyses of the colonial literature of Joseph Conrad, which conflates a people, a time, and a place into a narrative of incident and adventure in an exotic land. The critical application of post-structuralism in the scholarship of Orientalism influenced the development of literary theory, cultural criticism, and the field of Middle Eastern studies, especially regarding how academics practice their intellectual inquiry when examining, describing, and explaining the Middle East. The scope of Said's scholarship established Orientalism as a foundation text in the field of post-colonial culture studies, which examines the denotations and connotations of Orientalism, and the history of a country's post-colonial period. Orientalism is the exaggeration of difference, the presumption of Western superiority, and the application of clichéd analytical models for perceiving the Oriental world. As such, Orientalism is the pivotal source of the inaccuracy cultural representations that form the foundations of Western thought and perception of the Eastern world, specifically in relation to the Middle East region. The word ‘Orientalism’ refers to at least three separate but interrelated meanings: 1) an academic tradition or field; 2) a worldview, representation, and “style of thought based upon an ontological and epistemological distinction made between "the Orient" and (most of the time) "the Occident"”; and 3) as a powerful political instrument of domination. The principal characteristic of Orientalism is a "subtle and persistent Eurocentric prejudice against Arab-Islamic peoples and their culture", which derives from Western images of what is Oriental (cultural representations) that reduce the Orient to the fictional essences of "Oriental peoples" and "the places of the Orient"; such cultural representations dominate the communications (discourse) of Western peoples with and about non-Western peoples. These cultural representations usually depict the ‘Orient’ as primitive, irrational, violent, despotic, fanatic, and essentially inferior to the westerner or native informant, and hence, ‘enlightenment’ can only occur when “traditional” and “reactionary” values are replaced by “contemporary” and “progressive” ideas that are either western or western-influenced.'

'In post-colonial studies and in critical theory, the term subaltern designates the colonial populations who are socially, politically, and geographically outside the hierarchy of power of a colony, and of the empire's metropolitan homeland. In describing cultural hegemony as popular history, Antonio Gramsci coined the term subaltern to identify the social groups excluded and displaced from the socio-economic institutions of society in order to deny their political voices. The terms subaltern and subaltern studies entered the vocabulary of post-colonialism through the works of the Subaltern Studies Group of historians who explored the political-actor role of the men and women who constitute the mass population, rather than re-explore the political-actor roles of the social and economic elites in the history of India. As a method of investigation and analysis of the political role of subaltern populations, Marx's theory of history presents colonial history from the perspective of the proletariat; that the who and what of social class are determined through the economic relations among the social classes of a society. Since the 1970s, the term subaltern denoted the colonized peoples of the Indian subcontinent, imperial history told from below, from the perspective of the colonised peoples, rather than from the perspective of the colonisers from Western Europe. In Marxist theory, the civil sense of the term subaltern was first used by Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937). In discussions of the meaning of the term subaltern in the work of Gramsci, Spivak said that he used the word as a synonym for the proletariat (a code word to deceive the prison censor to allow his manuscripts out the prison),[5] but contemporary evidence indicates that the term was a novel concept in Gramsci's political theory. The postcolonial critic Homi K. Bhabha emphasized the importance of social power relations in defining subaltern social groups as oppressed, racial minorities whose social presence was crucial to the self-definition of the majority group; as such, subaltern social groups, nonetheless, also are in a position to subvert the authority of the social groups who hold hegemonic power.

Postcolonial theory studies the power and the continued dominance of Western ways of intellectual enquiry, the methods of generating knowledge. In the book Orientalism (1978), Edward Said, conceptually addresses the oppressed subaltern native, to explain how the Eurocentric perspective of Orientalism produced the ideological foundations and justifications for the colonial domination of the Other. Before their actual explorations of The Orient, Europeans had invented imaginary geographies of the Orient; predefined images of the savage peoples and exotic places that lay beyond the horizon of the Western world. The mythologies of Orientalism were reinforced by travellers who returned from Asia to Europe with reports of monsters and savage lands, which were based upon the conceptual difference and strangeness of the Orient; such cultural discourses about the Oriental Other were perpetuated through the mass communications media of the time, and created an Us-and-Them binary social relation with which the Europeans defined themselves by defining the differences between the Orient and the Occident. As a foundation of colonialism, the Us-and-Them binary social relation misrepresented the Orient as backward and irrational lands, and, therefore, in need of the European civilizing mission, to help them become modern, in the Western sense; hence, the Eurocentric discourse of Orientalism excludes the voices of the subaltern natives, the Orientals, themselves. The cultural theorist Stuart Hall said that the power of cultural discourse created and reinforced Western dominance of the non-Western world.'

+ Edward W. Said - "Orientalism" (1978):
+ Subaltern (Gramsci):

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