'Rape has accompanied wars of religion: knights and pilgrims took time off for sexual assault as they marched toward Constantinople in the First Crusade. Rape has accompanied wars of revolution: George Washington's papers for July 22, 1780, record that one Thomas Brown of the Seventh Pennsylvania Regiment was sentenced to death for rape at Paramus, and it was Brown's second conviction at that. Rape in warfare is not bound by definitions of which wars are "just" or "unjust." Rape was a weapon of terror as the German Hun marched through Belgium in World War I. Rape was a weapon of revenge as the Russian Army marched to Berlin in World War II. Rape flourishes in warfare irrespective of nationality or geographic location. Rape got out of hand—"regrettably," as the foreign minister was later to say, when the Pakistani Army battled Bangladesh. Rape reared its head as a way to relieve boredom as American GI's searched and destroyed in the highlands of Vietnam.
In modern times, rape is outlawed as a criminal act under the international rules of war. Rape is punishable by death or imprisonment under Article 120 of the American Uniform Code of Military Justice. Yet rape persists as a common act of war. It has been argued that when killing is viewed as not only permissible but heroic behavior sanctioned by one's government or cause, the distinction between taking a human life and other forms of impermissible violence gets lost, and rape becomes an unfortunate but inevitable by-product of the necessary game called war. Women, by this reasoning, are simply regrettable victims, incidental, unavoidable casualties—like civilian victims of bombing, lumped together with children, homes, personal belongings, a church, a dike, a water buffalo or next year's crop. But rape in war is qualitatively different from a bomb that misses its military target, different from impersonal looting and burning, different from deliberate ambush, mass murder or torture during interrogation, although it contains elements of all of the above. Rape is more than a symptom of war or evidence of its violent excess. Rape in war is a familiar act with a familiar excuse.
War provides men with the perfect psychologic backdrop to give vent to their contempt for women. The very maleness of the military—the brute power of weaponry exclusive to their hands, the spiritual bonding of men at arms, the manly discipline of orders given and orders obeyed, the simple logic of the hierarchical command confirms for men what they long suspect, that women are peripheral, irrelevant to the world that counts, passive spectators to the action in the center ring. Men who rape in war are ordinary Joes, made unordinary by entry into the most exclusive male-only club in the world. Victory in arms brings group power undreamed of in civilian life. Power for men alone. The unreal situation of a world without women becomes the prime reality. To take a life looms more significant than to make a life, and the gun in the hand is power. The sickness of warfare feeds on itself. A certain number of soldiers must prove their newly won superiority—prove it to a woman, to themselves, to other men. In the name of victory and the power of the gun, war provides men with a tacit license to rape. In the act and in the excuse, rape in war reveals the male psyche in in its boldest form, without the veneer of "chivalry" or civilization...
When a victorious army rapes, the sheer intoxication of the triumph is only part of the act. After the fact, the rape may be viewed as part of a recognizable pattern of national terror and subjugation. I say "after the fact" because the original impulse to rape does not need a sophisticated political motivation beyond a general disregard for the bodily integrity of women. But rape in warfare has a military effect as well as an impulse. And the effect is indubitably one of intimidation and demoralization for the victims' side. An aggressor nation rarely admits to rape. Documentation of rape in warfare is something the other side totals up, analyzes and propagandizes when the smoke has cleared after defeat.
Men of a conquered nation traditionally view the rape of "their women" as the ultimate humiliation, a sexual coup de grace. Rape is considered by the people of a defeated nation to be part of the enemy's conscious effort to destroy them. In fact, by tradition, men appropriate the rape of "their women" as part of their own male anguish of defeat. This egocentric view does have a partial validity. Apart from a genuine, human concern for wives and daughters near and dear to them, rape by a conqueror is compelling evidence of the conquered's status of masculine impotence. Defense of women has long been a hallmark of masculine pride, as possession of women has been a hallmark of masculine success. Rape by a conquering soldier destroys all remaining illusions of power and property for men of the defeated side. The body of a raped woman becomes a ceremonial battlefield, a parade ground for the victor's trooping of the colors. The act that is played out upon her is a message passed between men—vivid proof of victory for one and loss and defeat for the other.
In April, 1746, King George's army led by the Duke of Cumberland put down an insurrection in the Scottish Highlands. The Highland clans that rallied to the banner of Bonnie Prince Charlie were thoroughly decimated in the Battle of Culloden. That battle, and the brutal pacification program that followed, marked the end of organized clan life in Scotland. The modern British historian John Prebble collected the story of Culloden and its aftermath from records kept by the proud old clans. In the clansmen's view, rape of their women was a deliberate act of tyranny by the English invader, and Prebble wrote the story as he found it. Sexual mutilation of women on Culloden Moor during the battle proper was only the beginning. Lord George Sackville led a command of infantrymen to Moidart, where Clan Macdonald rebels "showed no enthusiasm for surrendering." A few screaming clansmen raided the rear of his column and captured some horses and provisions. Sackville "allowed his men to take revenge at the next hamlet, where the women were first raped and then held to watch the shooting and bayonetting of their husbands, fathers, brothers and sons..."
An act of rape in war that a husband or father is forced to watch is quite common. Sometimes it is simply a matter of proximity, as when Isobel Macdonald's husband skulked in the heather, but more often it is part of the plan, as in the house of Evan Moor Maclsaacs. Rape of a woman in war may be as much an act against her husband or father, for the rapist, as it is an act against the woman's body. The attitude of husbands after a rape is equally interesting. The ravished women of Inverwick did not sleep with their husbands for nine months after their assault. Although it appears from the Laird of Glenmoriston that this was a pact that the husbands agreed to, the more common experience is for the husbands to turn from their raped wives in revulsion—as witness the recent mass rejection of the raped women of Bangladesh. In war as in peace, the husbands of raped women place a major burden of blame for the awful event on their wives. The hallowed rights of property have been abused, and the property herself is held culpable.
A casual reader of history quickly learns that rape remains unmentionable, even in war. Serious historians have rarely bothered to document specific acts of rape in warfare, for reasons of their own scale of values and taste, as well as for lack of hard-and-fast surviving proof. Thus the story of Culloden is exceptional for its wealth of detail. Systematic rape of Highland women by English forces during the occupation of Scotland fitted perfectly into a bold pattern of national subjugation. It also fitted logically into a retrospective analysis of the ultimate destruction of the proud and tightly knit hierarchical clans. Perhaps for these reasons the Highland lairds of Scotland understood, as few have, the military importance of rape, and kept their painful records. Not until World War I was documentation of rape in warfare ever again preserved so faithfully.''
'Against Our Will was published in the middle of a feminist decade of theory and action when women overturned many hidebound assumptions about our ordained place in the social order. I’d like to salute all the positive changes that can be traced to those years, but this is a preface to my treatise on rape so I’ll stay on message. A universal truth about movements for social change is that from a relatively secure vantage point later on, people wonder what the fuss was about, or how it began. I will tell you in one sentence. In the 1970s, unprecedented strategies against rape—speak-outs, crisis centers, twenty-four-hour hotlines, state-by-state campaigns to amend unfair criminal codes—erupted across this country and spread through the Western world. Look at current international news stories about gang rapes in a public square and routine rape in war to see how male violence can operate without check. No, it was not that bad here in the 1970s, but I do observe that we seem to be fighting some of our old battles again.
The absolute brilliance and sine qua non of the American anti-rape movement was its focus on the victim’s perspective—a fresh idea in its day, unbelievable as that may sound. Public attitudes about rape and child molestation had been shaped entirely by men—in psychoanalytic theories, in police investigations and courts of law, in popular novels and films, on television talk shows, in nightclub comedy routines, in dirty jokes and smarmy wisecracks, and in grandiose pronouncements that were put forward as scientific facts. Does that sound familiar to readers of present-day news?
Women had never dared to talk openly about a crime against their physical integrity that often was met with disbelief and which carried a heavy load of shame. Rape was something that women were afraid to mention. Big surprise— unmentionable subjects, for women, were all about the autonomy of women’s bodies. Using the process of consciousness-raising that a few years earlier had helped bring abortion rights to the forefront, feminists started to grapple with sexual assault by speaking from their own experience. As an organizer of two public events in 1971, the New York Radical Feminist Speak-Out on Rape, followed by a weekend conference on rape, I was both stunned and exhilarated by what I learned. A woman’s account of what she had gone through was diametrically at odds with the era’s common narratives of eager consent and false accusation. My takeaway was that rape was a deliberate act of power, dominance, and humiliation committed by men with no moral compass —and that most victims feared their attackers were going to kill them.
Four years later Against Our Will reached the bookstores. One of the tasks I had set for myself was to uncover the patterns and dimensions of rape in history that were buried in library archives. If you imagine that my research consisted of looking up rape in library catalogs, you are mistaken. I would have if I could have. Library catalogs of the era—sturdy oak drawers of well-thumbed three-by-five index cards—had almost no entries for rape. But librarians knew the materials in their special collections, and they knew the arcane subcategories in the Dewey Decimal System where historical accounts of rape might be found. I am extremely proud of one very long chapter titled “War,” which was prompted by a few news accounts of mass rape in Vietnam and Bangladesh. It occurred to me to collect as much historic evidence as I could about routine and pervasive rape in warfare. The good news is that humanitarian organizations and international courts now recognize and condemn rape as a common tool of warfare. The bad news, obviously, is that men continue to rape in war.'
+ Susan Brownmiller - "Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape" (1975/1993):
+ The Hangover 2 - Official Trailer (THE CLINTON UNCUT VERSION) [2011, hd]:
+ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_xqZHmBef9Y #bANGKOK #WJClinton #Vegas #AsshatClown
'House of Dolls is a 1953 novella by Ka-tzetnik 135633. The novella describes "Joy Divisions", which were groups of Jewish women in the concentration camps during World War II who were kept for the sexual pleasure of Nazi soldiers. Between 1942 and 1945, Auschwitz and nine other Nazi concentration camps contained camp brothels (Freudenabteilung "Joy Division"), mainly used to reward cooperative non-Jewish inmates. Not only prostitutes were forced to work there. In the documentary film Memory of the Camps, a project supervised by the British Ministry of Information and the American Office of War Information during the summer of 1945, camera crews filmed women who had been forced into sexual slavery for the use of guards and favoured prisoners. The film-makers stated that as the women died they were replaced by women from the concentration camp Ravensbrück.'
+ 'House of Dolls' - Ka-tzetnik 135633 (1953):
'Forced prostitution is illegal under customary law in all countries. This is different from voluntary prostitution which may have a different legal status in different countries, which range from being fully illegal and punishable by death to being legal and regulated as an occupation. While the legality of adult prostitution varies between jurisdictions, the prostitution of children is illegal nearly everywhere in the world. In 1949, the UN General Assembly adopted the Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others. This Convention supersedes a number of earlier conventions that covered some aspects of forced prostitution, and also deals with other aspects of prostitution. It penalises the procurement and enticement to prostitution as well as the maintenance of brothels. As at December 2013, the Convention has only been ratified by 82 countries. One of the main reasons it has not been ratified by many countries is because it 'voluntary' is broadly defined in countries with a legal sex industry. For example, in countries such as Germany, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Greece, Turkey, and other countries some forms of prostitution and pimping are legal and regulated as professional occupations. Child prostitution is considered inherently non-consensual and exploitative, as children, because of their age, are not legally able to consent. In most countries child prostitution is illegal irrespective of the child reaching a lower statutory age of consent. State parties to the Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography are required to prohibit child prostitution. The Protocol defines a child as any human being under the age of 18, "unless an earlier age of majority is recognized by a country's law". The Protocol entered into force on 18 January 2002, and as of December 2013, 166 states are party to the Protocol and another 10 states have signed but not yet ratified it. The Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention, 1999 (Convention No 104) of the International Labour Organization (ILO) provides that the use, procuring or offering of a child for prostitution is one of the worst forms of child labor. This convention, adopted in 1999, provides that countries that had ratified it must eliminate the practice urgently. It enjoys the fastest pace of ratifications in the ILO's history since 1919. In the United States, the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 classifies any "commercial sex act [which] is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or in which the person induced to perform such act has not attained 18 years of age" to be a "Severe Form of Trafficking in Persons". In many countries, especially poorer countries, child prostitution remains a very serious problem, and numerous tourists from the Western World travel to these countries to engage in child sex tourism. Thailand, Cambodia, India, Brazil and Mexico have been identified as leading hotspots of child sexual exploitation. In its understanding of the distinction between sex work and forced prostitution, the Open Society Foundations organization states: "sex work is done by consenting adults, where the act of selling or buying sexual services is not a violation of human rights".'
+ Slavery & Prostitution - International Legislation (2019):
+ Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others (1949):
'For the proponents of the abolitionist view, prostitution is always a coercive practice, and the prostitute is seen as a victim. They argue that most prostitutes are forced into the practice, either directly, by pimps and traffickers, indirectly through poverty, drug addiction and other personal problems, or, as it has been argued in recent decades by radical feminists such as Andrea Dworkin, Melissa Farley and Catharine MacKinnon, merely by patriarchal social structures and power relations between men and women. William D. Angel finds that "most" prostitutes have been forced into the occupation through poverty, lack of education and employment possibilities. Kathleen Barry argues that there should be no distinction between "free" and "coerced", "voluntary" and "involuntary" prostitution, "since any form of prostitution is a human rights violation, an affront to womanhood that cannot be considered dignified labour". France's Green Party argues: "The concept of "free choice" of the prostitute is indeed relative, in a society where gender inequality is institutionalized". The proponents of the abolitionist view hold that prostitution is a practice which ultimately leads to the mental, emotional and physical destruction of the women who engage in it, and, as such, it should be abolished. As a result of such views on prostitution, Sweden, Norway and Iceland have enacted laws which criminalize the clients of the prostitutes, but not the prostitutes themselves.'
+ Abolitionism, Regulation, & Prohibitionism: Voluntary vs. Involuntary Prostitution (2019):
'The Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals became the first international courts of real significance. The victorious Allied powers established them in 1945 and 1946 respectively to prosecute the major war criminals of the European Axis powers (in fact only Germans) and of Japan for crimes against peace, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. The possibility of prosecuting sexual violence as a war crime was present because of the recognition of war rape as serious violation of the laws of war in the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 assertion that "[f]amily honour and rights [and] the lives of persons...must be respected." While the Nuremberg Tribunals failed to charge Nazi war criminals with rape, witnesses testified about it occurring. Previous war crimes trials had prosecuted for sex crimes, hence war rape could have been prosecuted under customary law and/or under the IMT (International Military Tribunals) Charter's Article 6(b): "abduction of the civilian population....into slavery and for other purposes" and "abduction unjustified by military necessity." Similarly, it would have been possible to prosecute war rape as crime against humanity under Article 6(c) of the Nuremberg Charter: "other inhumane acts" and "enslavement". However, notwithstanding evidence of sexual violence in Europe during World War II, a lack of will led to rape and sexual violence not being prosecuted at the Nuremberg Tribunals.'
+ JOY DiViSiON ~ "No Love Lost" (1988):
'The Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others was approved by the United Nations General Assembly on 2 December 1949 and entered into force on 25 July 1951. The preamble states:
"Whereas prostitution and the accompanying evil of the traffic in persons for the purpose of prostitution are incompatible with the dignity and worth of the human person and endanger the welfare of the individual, the family and the community."
As at December 2013, 82 states were party to the convention. An additional 13 states had signed the convention, but had not yet ratified it. The Convention supersedes a number of earlier conventions that covered some aspects of forced prostitution. Signatories are charged with three obligations under the 1949 Convention: prohibition of trafficking, specific administrative and enforcement measures, and social measures aimed at trafficked persons. The 1949 Convention presents two shifts in perspective of the trafficking problem in that it views prostitutes as victims of the procurers, and in that it eschews the terms "white slave traffic" and "women", using for the first time race- and gender-neutral language. To fall under the provisions of the 1949 Convention, the trafficking need not cross international lines. The Convention requires state parties to punish any person who "procures, entices, or leads away, for purposes of prostitution, another person, even with the consent of that person", "exploits the prostitution of another person, even with the consent of that person" (Article 1), or runs a brothel or rents accommodations for prostitution purposes (Article 2). It also prescribes procedures for combating international traffic for the purpose of prostitution, including extradition of offenders. Furthermore, state parties are required to abolish all regulations that subject prostitutes "to special registration or to the possession of a special document or to any exceptional requirements for supervision or notification" (Article 6). And also, they are required to take the necessary measure for the supervision of employment agencies in order to prevent persons seeking employment, in particular women and children, from being exposed to the danger of prostitution (Article 20). A dispute between the parties relating to the interpretation or application of the Convention may, at the request of any one of the parties to the dispute, be referred to the International Court of Justice (Article 22).'
+ Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others (1949):
'The Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography is a protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and requires parties to prohibit the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography. The Protocol was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2000 and entered into force on 18 January 2002. As of December 2019, 176 states are party to the protocol. According to the preamble, the protocol is intended to achieve the purposes of certain articles in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, where the rights are defined with the provision that parties should take "appropriate measures" to protect them. Article 1 of the protocol requires parties to protect the rights and interests of child victims of trafficking, child prostitution and child pornography, child labour and especially the worst forms of child labour. The remaining articles in the protocol outline the standards for international law enforcement covering diverse issues such as jurisdictional factors, extradition, mutual assistance in investigations, criminal or extradition proceedings and seizure and confiscation of assets as well. It also obliges parties to pass laws within their own territories against these practices "punishable by appropriate penalties that take into account their grave nature."'
+ Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography (2000):
'In December 2012, protests broke out across India after news of a horrific gang rape exploded into global view. The crime—the gang rape of 23-year-old physiotherapy student, Jyoti Singh, committed by six men on a bus in the capital territory of Delhi—was so brutal that it shocked the world and jolted the Indian legal system into reconsidering its protections for women. The attack took place on the evening of December 16, 2012 in southwest Delhi’s Munirka, a concrete urban village crowded with students. Singh and a male friend, Awindra Pandey saw Life of Pi —a movie about a young Indian boy who struggles to survive against incredible odds—before hopping a bus. Once they boarded the bus, six men shut off the lights and locked the doors before beating Singh and Pandey with iron rod. All of the perpetrators had been drinking before the assault, police say, and had robbed a carpenter on the same private bus earlier in the day. After brutally raping and torturing Singh on the moving bus, including with the iron rod, the perpetrators threw her and Pandey out of the vehicle. Both victims were bleeding and stripped of their clothing and other valuables. Thirteen days later, Singh—who famously became known as “Nirbhaya” (meaning “fearless”) due to sex-assault-victim privacy laws in India—died from related injuries at a Singapore hospital. In the wake of her death, Asha Devi, the victim’s mother, said she wanted her daughter’s name made public because she was “not ashamed to name her” and that victims and families of violent crimes shouldn’t be made to “hang their heads in shame.” Ultimately, the national uproar sparked by the crime led to the passage of several amendments to India’s existing laws on sexual offenses, though some activists say there’s still more to be done to protect women from assault.'
+ Why Did the 'Nirbhaya' Delhi Gang Rape Case Stun the World? (2012):
'This landmark book documents little-known wartime Japanese atrocities during World War II. Yuki Tanaka’s case studies, still remarkably original and significant, include cannibalism; the slaughter and starvation of prisoners of war; the rape, enforced prostitution, and murder of noncombatants; and biological warfare experiments. The author describes how desperate Japanese soldiers consumed the flesh of their own comrades killed in fighting as well as that of Australians, Pakistanis, and Indians. He traces the fate of sixty-five shipwrecked Australian nurses and British soldiers who were shot or stabbed to death by their captors. Another thirty-two nurses were captured and sent to Sumatra to become “comfort women”—sex slaves for Japanese soldiers. Tanaka recounts how thousands of Australian and British POWs were massacred in the infamous Sandakan camp in the Borneo jungle in 1945, while those who survived were forced to endure a tortuous 160-mile march on which anyone who dropped out of line was immediately shot. This new edition also includes a powerful chapter on the island of Nauru, where thirty-nine leprosy patients were killed and thousands of Naurans were ill-treated and forced to leave their homes. Without denying individual and national responsibility, the author explores individual atrocities in their broader social, psychological, and institutional milieu and places Japanese behavior during the war in the broader context of the dehumanization of men at war. In his substantially revised conclusion, Tanaka brings in significant new interpretations to explain why Japanese imperial forces were so brutal, tracing the historical processes that created such a unique military structure and ideology. Finally, he investigates why a strong awareness of their collective responsibility for wartime atrocities has been and still is lacking among the Japanese.'
+ "Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II" - Yuki Tanaka (2017):
'The Rome Statute Explanatory Memorandum, which defines the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, recognizes rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, forced sterilization, "or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity" as crime against humanity if the action is part of a widespread or systematic practice. Sexual slavery was first recognized as a crime against humanity when the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia issued arrest warrants based on the Geneva Conventions and Violations of the Laws or Customs of War. Specifically, it was recognised that Muslim women in Foča (southeastern Bosnia and Herzegovina) were subjected to systematic and widespread gang rape, torture and sexual enslavement by Bosnian Serb soldiers, policemen, and members of paramilitary groups after the takeover of the city in April 1992. The indictment was of major legal significance and was the first time that sexual assaults were investigated for the purpose of prosecution under the rubric of torture and enslavement as a crime against humanity. The indictment was confirmed by a 2001 verdict by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia that rape and sexual enslavement are crimes against humanity. This ruling challenged the widespread acceptance of rape and sexual enslavement of women as an intrinsic part of war. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia found three Bosnian Serb men guilty of rape of Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) women and girls – some as young as 12 and 15 years of age – in Foča, eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina. The charges were brought as crimes against humanity and war crimes. Furthermore, two of the men were found guilty of the crime against humanity of sexual enslavement for holding women and girls captive in a number of de facto detention centers. Many of the women had subsequently disappeared.'
+ The Rome Statute Explanatory Memorandum & the International Criminal Court (2019):
'Mictlāntēuctli (Nahuatl: "Lord of Mictlan") was the God of the Dead in Aztec mythology and the King of Mictlan (Chicunauhmictlan), the lowest and northernmost section of the Underworld. He was one of the principal gods of the Aztecs and was the most prominent of several gods and goddesses of Death and the Underworld. Mictlāntēuctli was 6 feet tall and was depicted as a blood-spattered skeleton or a person wearing a toothy skull. Although his head was typically a skull, his eye sockets did contain eyeballs. His headdress was shown decorated with owl feathers and paper banners and he wore a necklace of human eyeballs, while his earspools were made from human bones. He was often depicted wearing sandals as a symbol of his high rank as Lord of Mictlan. His arms were frequently depicted raised in an aggressive gesture, showing that he was ready to tear apart the dead as they entered his presence.'
'In the Aztec codices Mictlāntēuctli is often depicted with his skeletal jaw open to receive the stars that descend into him during the daytime. His wife was Mictecacihuatl, and together they were said to dwell in a windowless house in Mictlan. Mictlāntēuctli was associated with spiders, owls, bats, the eleventh hour and the northern compass direction, known as Mictlampa, the Legions of Death. When a person died, they were interred with grave goods, which they carried with them on the long and dangerous journey to the underworld. Upon arrival in Mictlan these goods were offered to Mictlāntēuctli and his wife.'
+ Mictlāntēuctli: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mictl%C4%81nt%C4%93cutli
+ Wartime Sexual Violence: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wartime_sexual_violence